r\ 


THE  BELLES-LETTRES 
SERIES 


ENGLISH  DRAMA 


SECTION  III 
THE  ENGLISH   DRAMA 

PROM    ITS    BEGINNING    TO    THE    PRESENT    DAY 


GENERAL    EDITOR 

GEORGE  PIERCE  BAKER 

PROFESSOR   OF   DRAMATIC   LITER ATUKB 
IN    HARVARD   UNIVERSITY 


EDITED  BY 


W.  D.  BRIGGS,  PH.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF   ENGLISH   LITERATURE 
LELAND   STANFORD  JR.   UNIVERSITY 


BOSTON,  U.  S.  A.,  AND  LONDON 

D.   C.   HEATH  AND  COMPANY 


COPYRIGHT,    IplI,    BY   D.    C.    HEATH    •    CO, 
ALL    RIGHTS    RESERVED 


Life 

BENJAMIN  JONSON,  or  Ben  Jonson,  as  his  own  and  following  ages 
with  his  approval  have  delighted  to  call  him,  was  born,  apparently 
in  Westminster,  in  1572-3.  His  ancestry  was  Scotch  ;  according 
to  his  own  statement,  "  his  Grandfather  came  from  Carlisle,  and,  he 
thought,  from  Anandale  to  it :  he  served  King  Henry  8,  and  was 
a  gentleman.  His  Father  losed  all  his  estate  under  Queen  Marie, 
having  been  cast  in  prisson  and  forfaitted ;  at  last  turn'd  Minister : 
so  he  was  a  minister's  son.  He  himself  was  posthumous  born,  a 
moneth  after  his  father's  decease. ' '  About  two  years  later  his  mother 
married  again,  this  time  a  master-bricklayer.  The  rudiments  of  his 
education  Jonson  received  in  a  private  school,  whence  he  was  sent 
to  Westminster  School,  it  is  thought  at  the  cost  of  Camden,  the 
great  antiquary,  then  second  master  at  that  institution  ;  at  any  rate,  > 
Camden  exercised  a  great  and  beneficial  influence  over  his  studies, 
an  influence  gratefully  remembered  and  acknowledged.  An  untrust- 
worthy tradition  states  that  he  passed  from  Westminster  to  Cam- 
bridge, where  he  was  able  to  remain  only  a  few  weeks  "for  want  of 
further  maintenance. ' '  Later  in  life  both  Cambridge  and  Oxford  gave  -' 
him  the  M.  A.  as  an  honorary  degree. 

Jonson  appears  now  to  have  become  for  a  time  his  stepfather's 
assistant.  This  trade  proving  distasteful,  he  became  a  soldier,  serv- 
ing for  a  short  time  among  the  English  contingent  in  the  Nether- 
lands. He  was  apparently  back  in  London  and  married  by  1592—4, 
and  not  long  afterward  his  connection  with  the  stage  began.  Tradi- 
tion again  states  that  he  was  at  first  an  unsuccessful  actor  ;  however 
this  may  have  been,  he  seems  to  have  been  a  regular  writer  for  the 
Stage  by  1597.  In  1598  Every  Man  in  hh  Humour  was  acted  by 


vi  ilife 

the  Chamberlain's  Company,  Shalupere,  according  to  a  pleasing 
but  again  untrustworthy  legend,  having  been  the  one  to  recommend 
the  acceptance  of  this  delightful  play. 

At  this  point  in  his  career  Jonson  had  the  misfortune  to  kill  in  a 
.  duel,  the  grounds  of  which  are  unknown,  a  fellow-actor  by  the  name 
of  Gabriel  Spencer.  As  a  result,  he  was  imprisoned  and  convicted 
of  felony  by  hi*  own  confession  ;  he  pleaded  his  clergy,  forfeited  his 
goods  and  chattels,  was  branded  on  the  left  thumb,  and  set  free.  In 
prison  he  had  been  converted  by  a  priest  to  the  Roman  faith,  to 
which  he  adhered  for  twelve  years,  at  the  end  of  that  time  return- 
ing to  the  Church  of  England.  That  his  conversion  and  re-con- 
version were  sincere  we  have  every  reason  to  believe.  In  his  later 
years  he  was  a  "  diligent  student  of  theology." 

The  next  episode  in  his  life  was  that  of  the  "  War  of  the  Thea- 
tre*," conducted  by  Jonson  on  one  side  and  Marston  and  Dekker  on 
the  other,  a*  principals,  with  other  playwrights  as  auxiliaries  and  the 
stage  as  battle  ground.  It  is  well-nigh  impossible  to  learn  with  whom 
the  first  fault  lay  ;  E-vtry  Man  out  af  hit  Humour,  1599,  Cynthia' i 
Revets,  1600,  and  I'He  Poetaster,  1601,  represent  Jonson's  share 
in  the  war.  From  this  field  he  turned  to  tragedy,  and  in  1603  &- 
janui  was  brought  out. 

With  the  accession  of  James  begins  Jonson's  long  series  of  masks, 
the  first  being  Tkt  Satyr  in  1603.  Jonson  was  the  greatest  and  the 
most  prolific  of  mask  writers,  and  though  we  cannot  to-day  taste 
the  full  flavor  of  these  entertainments,  we  can  appreciate  the  learning 
and  the  poetic  talent  they  so  freely  display.  Moreover,  from  them 
we  can  understand  how  Jonson  rapidly  acquired  an  important  position 
as  regards  the  amusements  of  the  Court,  and  was  thereby  brought 
into  close  relations  with  the  nobility.  Thus  the  Earl  of  Pembroke 
sent  him  twenty  pounds  a  year  to  buy  books,  and  with  the  Lord 
d' Aubigny,  to  whom  Stjanui  is  dedicated,  he  lived  at  one  time  five 
yean.  What  became  of  his  family  in  the  meantime,  we  can  only 


ilife  vii 

conjecture,  for,  except  that  he  begat  sons  and  daughters,  none  of 
whom  appears  to  have  survived  him,  we  know  little  of  his  domestic 
life.  He  did  indeed  tell  Drummond  that  his  wife  was  "a  shrew, 
but  honest,"  i.  e.,  chaste. 

Before,  however,  he  had  reached  this  position,  namely  in  1605, 
he  again  became  acquainted  with  the  inside  of  a  prison,  though  this 
time  voluntarily.  Chapman  and  Marston,  joint-authors  with  him  of 
Eastward  Hoe,  were  imprisoned  for  unwisely  satirizing  the  Scotch 
in  that  play,  and  though  Jonson  had  no  hand  in  the  offending  por- 
tions, he  accompanied  them  through  a  feeling  of  honor.  In  a  short 
time  all  were  released,  though  yet  another  incarceration  was  appar-^ 
ently  necessary  in  order  that  he  should  learn  how  circumspect  must 
be  the  walk  of  a  man  of  letters  under  a  government  of  arbitrary 
powers.  * 

In  the  same  year  he  was  asked  as  a  Catholic  to  render  certain 
political  services  to  the  state,  of  the  exact  nature  of  which  we  are 
not  informed,  though  they  had  something  to  do  with  the  Gunpow- 
der Plot,  and  from  this  time  on  he  lived  in  favor  with  the  Court, 
at  least  for  many  years.  In  1605  he  produced  Volfone,  in  1610 
Eplcocne  and  The  Alchemist,  in  1611  Catiline,  in  1614  Bartholo- 
mew Fair,  in  1616  The  De-vil  is  an  Ass.  In  the  last-mentioned 
year  he  published  the  first  collected  edition  of  his  plays,  with  regard 
to  which  he  said  in  1619  that  not  half  of  his  comedies  were  in  print. 
We  have  his  own  statement  to  the  effect  that  all  his  plays  gained 
him  not  more  than  two  hundred  pounds.  Until  1625  he  wrote 
nothing  more  for  the  stage. 

By  this  time  Jonson  had  become  the  principal  man  of  letters  of 
his  day,  a  reward  naturally  due  his  strong  sense,  wide  learning,  ro- 
bust character,  and  recognized  dramatic  genius.  That  he  had  enemies 
need  not  surprise  us,  nor  that  the  public  failed  to  approve  all  of  his 

I  Contrast  Introduction,  The  Alchemist,  East-ward  Hot,  Belles-Lettres 
Series. 


i  we  are 
Junpow-  V 


viii  iliff 

plays,  more  especially  those  of  his  later  years.  In  the  eyes  of  dis- 
criminating critics,  indeed,  these  facts  were  held  honorable  testimonies 
to  his  worth,  and  in  no  degree  did  they  prevent  acknowledgment 
of  his  authority. 

About  1613  he  went  to  France  as  tutor  to  one  of  the  sons  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  and  in  1618-19  ne  made  the  famous  journey  on 
foot  to  Scotland,  visiting  among  others  Drummond  of  Hawthornden, 
whose  notes  of  their  conversations  form  perhaps  our  most  important 
source  of  information  about  the  dramatist.  In  1621  he  obtained  the 
reversion  of  the  office  of  Master  of  the  Revels,  though  he  did  not 
live  to  enjoy  it. 

Jonson's  means  of  life  were  the  small  proceeds  from  his  plays,  the 
fees  derived  from  the  composition  and  the  production  of  his  masks, 
occasional  presents  from  his  patrons,  and  a  small  pension  granted 
him  in  1616  by  James.  By  the  end  of  the  reign,  Jonson,  who  did 
not  hoard  his  gold,  found  it  necessary  to  revert  to  the  stage  as  a 
means  of  livelihood.  In  1625  came  out  The  Staple  of  Pfeni,  in 
1629  The  Nev>  Inn,  in  1633  Tkt  Magnetic  Lady  and  Tkt  Tale  of 
a  Tub,  none  of  which  could  be  called  a  success.  A  slight  increase  in 
his  pension  and  a  temporary  appointment  as  City  Chronologer  were 
of  no  great  assistance,  and  Jonson  was  compelled  to  ask  aid  from  his 
friends  among  the  nobility.  Disease  had  come  upon  him  in  the  shape 
of  palsy  in  1626,  later  complicated  with  a  dropsy,  and  the  last  year 
or  two  of  his  life  were  spent  on  a  sick-bed.  He  died  August  6,  1637, 
and  was  buried  in  Westminster  Abbey. 

Among  his  papers  were  found  the  fragmentary  Sad  Shepherd,  the 
Timber,  and  other  less  important  compositions  ;  a  fire  that  destroyed 
his  library  in  i6a2~3(>)  destroyed  also  many  works  whose  loss  is  to 
be  deeply  deplored. 


SlntroDuctfon 


Sejanus  and  Catiline  bear  everywhere  the  stamp  of 
their  author's  solid  and  massive  genius.  The  trenchant 
vigor  of  their  style  is  his  alone  among  all  writers  of  Eng- 
lish tragedy.  The  extraordinary  assimilative  talent  that 
they  display,  only  Milton  perhaps  has  manifested  in  an 
equal  degree.  In  certain  portions  are  exhibited  at  full  the 
powers  of  the  greatest  master  of  satirical  drama  the  English 
stage  has  seen.  The  characters  are  sharply  drawn  and 
energetically  maintained.  The  dialogue  is  freighted  with 
thought,  the  personages  are  '  known,  famous,  and  true,' 
their  deeds  of  moment  in  the  world's  history.  Yet  these 
plays,  like  many  another  great  Elizabethan  tragedy,  have 
disappeared  from  the  stage  and,  in  spite  of  our  modern 
revival  of  letters,  are  not  often  read. 

I  make  this  full  and  reverent  acknowledgment  to  fore- 
stall any  accusation  of  mere  petulant  faultfinding  in  the 
pages  that  follow.  It  so  happens  that  some  of  the  points 
selected  for  special  comment  help  to  explain  the  phe- 
nomenon just  noted,  and  permit  much  to  be  said  that  is 
almost  absurdly  unjust  if  applied  to  the  whole  of  Jonson's 
work.  But  three  hundred  years  give  a  long  perspective 
in  matters  of  taste,  and  the  nineteenth  century  may  very 
properly  note  as  defects  of  his  tragedy  features  that  Jon- 
son  himself  considered  eminent  beauties.  Securusjudicat 
or  bis  terrarum:  after  all,  these  dramas  have  disappeared 
from  the  stage.1 

1  J'ajouterai  seulement  que  sans  sortir  de  1'humilite,  on  peut  re- 
marquer  des  fautes  dans  les  livres  des  hommes  illustres.  On  ne  laisse 


IntroDuction 


Throughout  his  comedies,  Jonson's  treatment  of  char- 
acter remains  fundamentally  the  same  :  a  psychologic 
theory,  carried  out  with  varying  consistency,  furnishes 
the  groundwork  in  the  portrayal  of  the  individual.  The 
proper  field  of  comedy  is  the  field  of  '  humours,'  and  a 
humour  is  not  a  mere  whim,  but  a  quality  so  completely 
predominant  that  it  gives  the  tone  to  the  disposition,  in- 
fluences all  action,  and,  as  it  were,  fixes  the  whole  man. 
It  is  at  once  radical  and  permanent.1 

Such  a  conception  has  its  place  among  the  many  phe- 
nomena of  complex  human  nature ;  yet  we  may  not  of 
course  accept  it  as  completely  formulating  human  nature 
in  the  abstract,  nor,  except  rarely,  in  the  concrete  ;  and 
that  Jonson  himself  realized  this  fact,  after  he  had  reduced 
his  theory  to  absurdity  in  Cynthia* s  Revels,  we  have  the 
very  best  of  ground  for  believing.  Yet  matured  reflection 
did  not  lead  him  to  abandon  the  principle,  however  he 
may  have  modified  the  practice.  Almost  at  the  close  of 
his  dramatic  career  we  find  him  stating  it  once  more  and 
emphasizing  the  consistency  with  which  he  had  adhered 
to  it. 

"  Dam  flay.    But,  why  Humour -i  Reconciled,  1  would  fain  know  ? 
Boy.    I  can  satisfy  you  there  too,  if  you  will.    But  perhaps  you 
desire  not  to  be  satisfied  ? 

pas  pour  cela  de  les  regarder  de  bas  en  haut  a  perte  de  vue."  Bayle, 
Pref.  to  the  Dictionary. 

1  Every  Man  out  of  hit  Humour,  Induction  to  Act  I  ;  Notes  to 
the  Matout  of  Hymen }  see  Ward,  11,  347,  note  I,  where  Pope's 
notion  of  the  Ruling  Passion  is  compared  ;  Spingarn,  Seventeenth 
Century  Critical  Euayi,  Introduction,  p.  Iviii  ff,  gives  the  develop- 
ment in  meaning  of  the  term  '  humour.' 


31ntroDuetion  xi 

Dam.  No  !   Why  should  you  conceive  so,  boy  ? 

Boy.  My  conceit  is  not  ripe  yet ;  I'll  tell  you  that  anon.  The 
author  beginning  his  studies  of  this  kind,  with  Every  Man  in  hit 
Humour  ,•  and  after  Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour  ;  and  since,  con- 
tinuing in  all  his  plays,  especially  in  those  of  the  comic  thread,  whereof 
the  New  Inn  was  the  last,  some  recent  humours  still,  or  manners 
of  men,  that  went  along  with  the  times ;  finding  himself  now  near 
the  close,  or  shutting  up  of  his  circle,  hath  fancied  to  himself,  in 
idea,  this  Magnetic  Mistress,"  etc.1 

Very  brief  consideration  shows  that  in  the  tragedies 
Sejanus  and  Catiline  the  figures  are  conceived  with  an 
equal  simplicity.  Just  as  in  Every  Man  out  of  bis  Humour, 
we  can  easily  classify  each  important  personage  :  Tiberius 
embodies  tyranny  gaining  its  ends  through  a  profound 
dissimulation ;  Sejanus  is  the  restlessly  ambitious  courtier, 
rising  by  complex  intrigue  ;  Catiline  represents  the  am- 
bition that  would  climb  by  violence  ;  Cicero  is  a  vain- 
glorious, but  honest  patriot.  Catiline  himself  enumerates 
the  'humours'  of  his  assistants — Lentulus,  a  fatuous 
and  pliable  vanity,  Cethegus,  a  braggart  violence,  and 
so  on.  Another  mark  of  this  simplicity  lies  in  the  strik- 
ing absence  of  internal  conflict,  and  consequently  of  de- 
velopment in  character.  Tiberius,  engaged  in  uprooting 
his  own  royal  house  ;  Sejanus,  practising  murder  as  a  fine 
art ;  Livia,  plotting  with  anxious  care  the  death  of  her 
husband  ;  Catiline,  devoting  ruthlessly  his  country  to  fire 
and  sword:  not  one  is  for  an  instant  uncertain  of  his  path. 
Like  the  forces  of  nature,  they  work  ceaselessly,  piti- 
lessly, untiringly,  to  their  ends,  recognizing  no  consider- 

1  Induction  to  Magnetic  Lady,  or  Humours  Reconciled,  1633. 
The  words  all  and  especially  in  the  quotation  are  particularly  im- 
portant. 


xii  jhuroDiictton 

ations  of  sympathy  or  justice  or  right  feeling.  There  is 
change  of  side  in  these  plays,  no  change  of  heart. ' 

The  radical  fault  in  Jonson's  conception  lay  not  in 
the  lack  of  power  to  depict  character  dramatically,  so 
much  as  in  the  settled  predominance  of  convention,  the 
strict  adherence  to  a  traditionally  authoritative  system  of 
ethical  judgments.  It  was  his  nature  to  sit  constantly  in 
sentence  upon  his  characters;  into  their  minds  he  cannot 
be  said  to  have  penetrated;  rather  he  peered  in,  curi- 
ously, attentively,  systematically,  but  always  with  a  theo- 
retically complete  knowledge  of  what  he  was  to  find  and 
the  marks  by  which  it  might  be  known.  It  is  hardly  true, 
to  say,  with  Churchill  (RosciaJ,  11.  177-78), 

"The  book  of  man  he  read  with  nicest  art, 
And  ransack 'd  all  the  secrets  of  the  heart," 

for  there  were  some  secrets  in  which  he  felt  no  interest, 
whose  existence,  indeed,  he  perhaps  did  not  suspect. 

It  was  not,  we  might  even  go  so  far  as  to  say,  hu- 
man personality  that  constituted  for  him  the  chief  dra- 

1  Cf.  Discoveries,  ed  Sc helling,  p.  4  :  "  Natures  that  are  hard- 
ened to  evil  you  shall  sooner  break  than  make  straight ;  they  are 
like  poles  that  are  crooked  and  dry,  there  is  no  attempting  them." 
And  again,  p.  20  :  "It  was  impossible  to  reform  these  natures ; 
they  were  dried  and  hardened  in  their  ill.  They  may  say  they  desired 
to  leave  it,  but  do  not  trust  them,"  etc.  One  may  in  reply  point  out 
that  dramatic  change  is  not  necessarily  equivalent  to  reformation. 
Character  is  always  in  a  state  of  unstable  equilibrium,  and  dramatic 
change  consists  merely  in  the  logically  accomplished  transition  from 
one  such  state  to  another.  Nor  is  age  a  decisive  element  in  the  ques- 
tion (the  lotut  flaiiitui  is  of  course  the  tragedy  of  A/.;').  The  point 
interests  ui  here  as  illustrative  of  Jonson's  habit  of  applying  with  too 
rigid  consistency  to  his  representation  of  human  nature  generalization* 
induced  from  his  observation  thereof. 


^IntroUuctton  xiii 

matic  problem,  or  that  supplied  him  with  his  principal 
interest  in  human  affairs.  Life  had  moved 

"  out  of  a  red  flare  of  dreams, 
Into  a  common  light  of  common  hours," 

and  the  changeful  possibilities  that  lay  perdue  in  every- 
one he  met  never  called  upon  him  to  discover  them.  He 
was  a  classicist,  not  simply,  nor  even  mainly  because 
classical  literature  gave  him  orientation,  though  that  was 
the  outward  and  visible  sign,  but  because  at  bottom  his 
temperament  was  scientific,  and  exceptions  irritated  his 
instinct  for  uniformity.  The  thought  that  in  society, 
narrowly  regarded,  exception  is  the  rule  would  have  been 
repugnant  to  so  orderly  a  mind;  and,  indeed,  the  world, 
as  he  looked  upon  it,  was  simple  enough.  One's  duty 
lay  plain.  The  law,  the  traditional  code  of  morals,  the 
customs  of  society,  and,  with  sense  and  scholarship  to 
befriend,  the  writings  of  the  ancients — what  more  of 
guidance  could  be  desired  ?  What  were  the  problems  that 
could  not  be  solved,  like  a  case  at  common  law,  by  re- 
course to  a  long  line  of  moral  precedents  ?  Accordingly 
the  classification  of  men  offered  few  difficulties.  Society 
was  made  up  of  the  good  and  the  bad,  wise  men  and 
fools,  dupes  and  knaves,  upon  all  of  whom  Jonson  pro- 
nounced the  social,  not  the  individual  judgment.  Harsh 
in  condemnation,  he  invariably  pointed  a  rigid  finger  of 
scorn  at  his  evil  characters,  and  it  is  only  to  satisfy  his 
robust  sense  of  dramatic  effect  that  he  draws  for  us  so 
elaborate  a  picture  of  their  adroit  activity. 

Naturally  I  do  not  mean  that  Jonson' s  plays  are  de- 
void of  deft  touches  of  interpretation,  that  indeed  he 
does  not  in  general  display  a  fine  discriminative  sense  in 


xiv  Jintrolmctton 

what  he  makes  his  characters  do  and  say.  To  mean  that 
would  be  to  misconceive  the  whole  nature  of  his  drama. 
At  the  same  time,  this  fine  discrimination  has  its  well- 
marked  limits,  since  the  interplay  of  thought  and  feel- 
ing, however  clearly  indicated  in  the  dialogue,  rarely 
demands  the  exercise  of  the  commentator's  art.1  Along 
with  a  sure  sense  of  fitness  in  the  vigorous  expression  of 
a  certain  range  of  intellectualized  emotion,  is  found  no 
exacting  sense  of  subtle  gradation  among  the  emotions 
themselves,  nor  apparently  any  belief  that  outside  the 
given  range  there  lies  much  of  consequence  to  the  dra- 
matist. The  result  is  that  at  times  his  comedy  fills  us 
with  an  amazing  sense  of  naturalness,  of  reality ;  and  fre- 
quently striking  traits  of  human  nature  are  embodied  in 
types  that  do  not  seem  likely  to  be  forgotten.  To  ac- 
complish thus  much  is  to  achieve  a  very  great  dramatic 
feat;  but  it  is  not  necessarily  to  fit  one's  self  for  the  writ- 
ing of  tragedy. 

It  is  consequently  a  marked  feature  of  Jonson's  drama, 
both  tragedy  and  comedy,  that  his  figures  stand  less  in 
need  of  interpretation  than  do  those  of  any  other  im- 
portant Elizabethan  dramatist.  Not  only  does  he  make 
it  almost  impossible  to  misunderstand  their  motives  and 
purposes,  but  the  expression  of  those  motives  and  pur- 
poses in  acts  does  not  involve  internal  struggle;  there 
come  into  operation  only  simple  motives,  working  di- 
rectly and  without  complication. 

If  Jonson's  theory  was  thus  artistically  defective,  it 

1  The  statement  is  substantially  true,  even  though  we  recognize, 
as  of  course  we  must,  that  this  very  precision  of  style  is  what  partly 
deprives  the  figures  of  their  need  for  explanation. 


2f|ntrotmctton  xv 

had  at  least  one  compensating  dramatic  advantage.  Each 
figure  stands  out  in  sharpest  definition  against  its  back- 
ground, and  by  virtue  of  a  cause  that  we  find  quite  as 
strikingly  operative  in  the  comedies  as  in  the  tragedies, 
what  may  be  called  an  intensive  treatment  of  the  « hu- 
mour '  or  fundamental  trait.  This  is  given  every  possi- 
ble expression;  it  is  repeatedly  brought  before  us,  now 
in  the  comment  of  a  bystander,  now  in  what  the  char- 
acter says,  now  in  what  he  does;  it  is  set  in  different 
lights;  it  is  complained  of,  it  is  censured,  it  is  praised, 
vaunted,  analyzed,  condemned.  Here  Jonson's  invent- 
ive genius  had  free  play.  In  Volpone,  the  Alchemist, 
Epicoene,  as  well  as  in  Sejaniis  and  Catiline,  is  intro- 
duced a  multiplicity  of  circumstances,  of  realistic  details, 
each  affording  a  fresh  manifestation  of  the  central  con- 
ception. Over  every  speech  and  action  Jonson  main- 
tains an  incessant,  anxious,  even  painful  scrutiny,  that 
strives,  through  minute  consistency  and  a  constantly  re- 
peated impression,  to  produce  the  effect  of  full  and  com- 
plete analysis,  of  totality.  Thus  the  figure  assumes  a 
solidity  and  extension  in  reality  foreign  to  it,  its  out- 
lines grave  themselves  in  the  mind,  an  appearance  of 
manifold  self-expression  is  produced,  and  there  results  a 
wonderfully  vivid  portrayal  of  character.  In  other  words, 
if  Tiberius  appears  to  possess  individuality,  and  I  must 
freely  confess  that  he  does  so,  it  is  just  because  he  is  so 
intensely  typical. 

The  same  fact  may  be  differently  regarded.  Both 
Hamlet  and  Tiberius  are  consistently  drawn,  but  con- 
sistency is  attained  in  different  ways.  Hamlet  is  a  com- 
plex being,  whose  various  elements  are  held  in  delicate 


xvi  ^Introduction 

equilibrium  by  the  imaginative  genius  of  the  poet;  he  is 
not  an  assemblage  of  fixed  qualities,  but  a  volitional  en- 
tity, and  his  emotional  reaction  varies  with  the  chang- 
ing circumstance  of  life.  But  the  emotional  reaction  of 
Tiberius  is  constant,  and  he  is  troubled  by  no  moods 
or  scruples.  Every  emergency  is  met  in  the  same  way. 
His  motives  remain  the  same;  and  his  language,  his 
actions,  his  mental  processes,  are  in  every  instance  those 
of  the  hypocrite.  Unity  here  is  the  result  of  a  simple 
conception  operating  in  a  uniform  manner  under  cir- 
cumstances varied  for  the  special  purpose  of  displaying 
the  uniformity  of  operation.  Tiberius  is  consistent  be- 
cause he  is  formulated,  and  because  Jon  son  had  too 
vigilant  an  eye  to  permit  the  equation  x  +  y  =  T  to  be 
disturbed  by  the  presence  of  an  eccentric  variable. 

A  glance  at  Jonson's  sources  lends  the  point  empha- 
sis. We  cannot  avoid  observing  that  he  did  not  see  fit 
materially  to  alter  his  characters  as  they  were  given  him 
by  ancient  history,  nor  to  introduce,  save  in  a  few 
minor  points,  incidents  not  to  be  found  there.  The 
basis  of  nearly  every  figure  is  to  be  found  in  Dio  or 
Juvenal,  Tacitus  or  Sallust,  as  well  as  practically  the 
entire  action  of  each  play.  What  then  was  the  problem 
that  Jonson,  as  tragic  dramatist,  set  himself  to  solve  in 
the  portrayal  of  the  individual  ? 

As  already  suggested,  this  problem  was  in  no  sense 
of  the  phrase  a  problem  of  creation.  In  other  words, 
Jonson  had  not  to  blaze  a  path  through  a  wilderness  of 
historical  events,  since  that  labor  had  already  been  per- 
formed, both  by  Tacitus  and  by  Sallust,  each  of  whom 
had  striven  to  explain  the  events  he  narrated  by  his  own 


31ntroDuction 

interpretation  of  character.  Whoever  is  willing  to  build 
upon  their  foundation  finds  the  creative  task  already 
achieved,  and  there  remains  for  him  merely  to  give  dra- 
matic expression  to  other  men's  conceptions,  to  see  to 
it  that  none  of  his  figures  shall  in  a  moment  of  inadvert- 
ence divest  himself  of  the  assigned  role.  Jonson's  task, 
though  accomplished  in  his  characteristically  thorough 
fashion,  was  then  much  simpler  than  it  would  otherwise 
have  been. 

Such  facile  acceptance  of  the  historian's  verdict,  from 
which  indeed  society  showed  in  that  day  no  disposition 
to  appeal,  arose  in  part  from  a  failure  to  distinguish 
clearly  between  the  functions  of  history  and  tragedy,  in 
part  from  the  underlying  conventionalism  already  men- 
tioned. Unfortunately  Jonson  did  not  realize  that  the 
portrayal  of  Tiberius  offers  a  problem  that  can  be  dra- 
matically solved  only  through  the  exercise  of  the  poetic 
rather  than  the  historical  imagination,  and  that  must  be 
solved  afresh  by  every  writer  who  proposes  to  handle 
the  theme.  Hypocrisy,  the  vulgar  and  superficial  ex- 
planation of  the  extraordinary  in  character,  suffices  him. 
Yet,  as  poet  and  dramatist,  it  was  not  alone  his  duty, 
he  should  have  felt  an  instinctive  need,  to  reconstruct 
the  figure  of  Tiberius  for  himself.  He  should  have  felt 
that  the  Tiberius  of  history  was  perhaps  not  the  real 
Tiberius,  that  the  accepted  explanation  of  his  recorded 
acts  and  sayings,  whatever  the  true  explanation,  did  not 
completely  reconcile  them.  Not  as  matter  of  historical 
knowledge,  but  as  subject-matter  of  the  most  distinctly 
creative  of  literary  forms,  his  conception  should  have 
been  sufficient  to  account  rationally  for  acts  that  must 


xviii  jimroDumon 

have  had  their  source  in  a  personality  strangely  ele- 
mented. That  it  was  not  such  shows  his  instinctive,  if 
not  deliberate  preference  for  the  schematic  treatment  of 
human  nature,  even  in  the  tragic  field.1 

1  Ward,  n,  336-7,  regards  the  character  of  Tiberius  as  incon- 
sistent in  one  respect.  "  That  in  his  old  age  Tiberius  should  have 
sunk  into  a  victim  or  '  trophy '  of  degraded  lust,  is  even  less  ade- 
quately accounted  for  in  the  play  than  it  is  as  a  historical  relation." 
He  overlooks,  however,  the  fact,  that  Jonson  is  not  depicting,  and 
indeed  nowhere  successfully  depicts,  a  developing  character,  and  that 
above  all  he  is  simply  accepting  the  old  age  of  Tiberius  as  he  finds 
that  old  age  represented  in  his  authorities.  He  does  not  undertake 
to  tell  how  it  was  that  Tiberius  became  a  tyrant,  or  a  '  victim  of 
degraded  lust ' ;  he  accepts  him  as  such. 

It  may  be  asked  what  right  we  have  to  insist  that  Jonson  should 
not  have  accepted  this  traditional  estimate,  that  he  should  have  gone 
beyond  his  authorities,  and  represented  history  otherwise  than  as 
professed  historians  represent  it.  A  sufficient  reply  is  that  we  do  not 
quarrel  with  his  representation  of  history,  but  with  his  interpreta- 
tion of  character.  We  neither  ask  him  to  alter  facts,  nor  do  we 
insist  that  his  estimate  of  character  shall  necessarily  differ  from  that 
of  the  historian;  yet  if  the  two  coincide,  the  coincidence  must  be 
the  result  of  dramatic  intuition,  of  imaginative  reconstruction  on  the 
basis  of  his  own  artistic  insight,  not  of  a  submission  to  classical  au- 
thority. 

Jonson's  own  defense  against  this  charge  would  doubtless  have 
rested  on  the  well-known  passage  of  the  Dt  Artt  Poetica,  11. 
1 19-127,  wherein  the  poet  who  is  putting  on  the  stage  history,  or 
even  traditional  history,  is  told  either  to  follow  authority  or  at  least 
not  to  contradict  it.  If  you  are  depicting  Achilles,  let  him  be  fierce, 
wrathful,  moody;  and  inferentially,  if  your  authorities  tell  you  that 
Tiberius  was  a  hypocrite,  represent  him  so.  The  relation  of  Jon- 
son's  position  to  the  doctrine  of  '  imitation  '  would  form  an  inter- 
esting problem. 

Boistier,  Taeite,  177  ff. ,  tells  us  clearly  enough  why  it  is  that 
Tacitus  gives  us  an  incomplete  portrait  of  Tiberius,  and  why  it  is 
that  we  have  difficulty  in  reconciling  the  aspects  of  his  character 


31ntroDuctton  xix 

Such  changes,  intentional  or  other,  as  he  did  intro- 
duce, seem  to  have  been  chiefly  in  the  direction  of 
simplicity.  For  example,  Tiberius  appears  well-nigh 
devoid  even  of  natural  affection,  and  as  utilizing  his 
son's  death  merely  as  an  occasion  for  a  fresh  display  of 
hypocrisy.  Yet  his  frantic  efforts  to  ascertain  at  a  later 
period  the  facts  of  Drusus'  murder,  as  related  by  Sue- 
tonius,1 show  how  deeply  he  was  affected  by  it ;  nor 
apparently  was  his  aversion  to  Agrippina  and  her  sons 
anything  like  so  simple  an  affair  as  the  dramatist  con- 
ceives. On  the  whole,  the  emperor  in  the  ancient  his- 
torians is  a  figure  less  easily  understood  than  in  Jonson's 
play,  and  once  more  Jonson  fails  to  perceive  the  im- 
plications of  his  problem.  The  tendency  to  simplify, 
brought  over  as  it  is  from  comedy,  does  not  harmonize 
with  the  new  environment. 

In  the  same  way  one  feels  certain  that  Sejanus  has 
hardly  had  justice  done  him.  If  Sejanus  really  enter- 
tained the  plans  ascribed  to  him  and  carried  them  as 
near  to  completion  as  he  is  said  to  have  done,  he  was 

upon  which  Tacitus  lays  stress  with  those  which  find  only  occa- 
sional suggestion,  with  the  result  that  his  whole  account  of  Tibe- 
rius oppresses  us  with  a  haunting  sense  of  inadequacy.  It  is  just  this 
sense  of  inadequacy,  inevitable  for  the  modern  readers  of  Tacitus, 
that  Jonson,  as  poet  and  dramatist,  should  have  likewise  exper- 
ienced and  attempted  to  remove  by  some  imaginative  reconstruction 
of  the  principal  figure  of  his  play. 

1  To  be  sure,  Suetonius,  Tiberius,  52,  accuses  Tiberius  of  not 
having  affection  for  Drusus,  and  relates  stories  of  his  heartlessness. 
But  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  these  stories  with  the  passage,  62, 
referred  to  above.  We  are  not  concerned  with  the  correctness  of 
either  account ;  the  problem  is  not  solved  merely  by  the  summary 
dismissal  of  one. 


xx  Imrotmruon 

a  greater  man  than  Jonson  represents  him  or  than  ii 
ordinarily  thought.  Consider  that  he  had  not,  like  any 
ordinary  conspirator,  merely  to  raise  a  small  band  of 
desperate  men  to  assist  him  in  killing  Tiberius.  He  had 
six  or  seven  persons  to  dispose  of;  popular  favor  to 
conciliate,  for  he  was  a  new  man,  lacking  even  the 
prestige  of  Oriental  conquest ;  he  had  suspicion  to 
avert  ;  the  love  of  the  people  for  Agrippina  and  her  sons 
to  counteract ;  a  crafty  and  unscrupulous  politician  to 
deceive.  In  executing  these  plans,  he  occupied  eight  or 
ten  years;  attained  all  his  ends  except  the  final  one;  was 
during  that  time  master  of  the  empire ;  and  his  event- 
ual defeat  was  due,  not  to  the  actual  miscarriage  of  his 
plot,  but  to  vague  suspicion  engendered  by  his  very 
success.'  The  skill,  perseverance,  fortitude,  knowledge 
of  human  nature,  talent  for  dissimulation,  foresight,  and 
coordinating  power  such  as  he  must  have  exercised  were 
clearly  of  the  nature  of  genius,  and  yet  we  are  to  be- 
lieve, according  to  the  accounts  given  by  Tacitus  and 
Dio,*  and  accepted  by  Jonson,  that  he  was  a  petty  pol- 
itician, quite  inferior  to  Tiberius  in  the  arts  of  intrigue. 
The  two  ideas  seem  hardly  compatible  :  either  he  did 
not  conspire  upon  this  comprehensive  scale,  or  else  the 

1  Jonson  tells  us  that  Tiberius'  suspicions  were  aroused  by  the 
desire  of  Sejanus  to  many  Livia ;  but  no  hint  of  this  kind  is  to  be 
found  in  Dio,  Tacitus,  or  any  writer  of  the  time.  Joseph  u»,  indeed, 
says  that  the  conspiracy  was  discovered  to  Tiberius  by  Antonia,  the 
mother  of  Germanicus. 

*  It  should  be  noted  that  Tacitus  and  Dio  do  not  directly  accuse 
Sejanus  of  conspiracy  ;  but  both  suggest  that  he  conspires,  Dio  very 
clearly ;  and  Suetonius  and  Josephus  make  the  charge  in  formal 
language. 


IntroDuction  xxi 

struggle  between  himself  and  Tiberius  was  a  struggle 
between  equals,  both  men  of  greater  power  and  grasp 
than  Jonson  gives  us  to  infer. 

A  further  resemblance  to  Jonson' s  comedy  may  be 
here  touched  upon.  It  has  been  aptly  pointed  out  that 
his  comic  figures  may  be  divided  into  knaves,  dupes,  and 
on-lookers.  A  similar  classification  holds  good  in  the  main 
for  the  two  tragedies.  His  comedies,  moreover,  are  com- 
edies of  intrigue,  and  in  these  plays  intrigue  is  the  essence 
of  the  plot.  Especially  worth  notice,  as  has  already  been 
observed  by  Miss  Woodbridge  in  her  Studies  in  Jonson' s 
Comedy,  is  the  parallelism  of  Sejanus  and  Volpone.  We 
have  the  two  pairs  of  knaves,  on  the  one  hand  Tiberius 
and  Sejanus,  on  the  other  Volpone  and  Mosca;  in  the 
course  of  time  the  bonds  of  union  break,  and  each  in- 
triguer seeks  to  dupe  his  former  ally.  Mosca,  Sejanus  in 
a  lower  station,  likewise  attempts  the  task  of  outwitting 
and  supplanting  his  master.  In  Volpone  the  schemers  have 
a  common  fate,  whereas  in  Sejanus  it  is  only  the  minister 
that  falls. 

This  similarity  in  plot,  however,  is  but  the  index  to 
one  of  a  much  more  significant  kind,  though  it  may  be 
merely  suggested  at  this  point.  Volpone  is  a  comedy  only 
by  courtesy.  In  its  stern  morality,  its  savage  mockery, 
its  harshly  just  conclusion,  the  play  is  hardly  amusing, 
unless  for  the  nonce  one  is  content  to  turn  pure  cynic. 
In  Sejanus,  to  be  sure,  the  issues  are  more  momentous, 
and  several  persons  are  '  put  to  silence  '  ;  but  doubtless 
Volpone  himself  would  have  preferred  death  to  the 
galleys. ' 

1  See  pp.  xxix-xxx,  below. 


xxii  JiuroDumou 

II 

In  the  Epilogue  to  the  Poetaster,  1 60 1 ,  Jonson  tells 
us  that  comedy  has  proved  ominous  to  him,  and  that  he 
intends  to  turn  to  tragedy  in  search  of  a  better  fate.  Two 
years  later  Sejanus  was  brought  out.  Its  reception  was 
not  favorable,  and  it  seems  not  to  have  been  many  times 
acted.  In  1605  it  was  published,  and  the  reader  of  the 
Dedication  and  the  other  preliminary  matter  may  easily 
learn  with  what  spirited  defiance  Jonson  treated  the 
public  judgment  of  his  play;  for  neither  he  nor  any 
other  man  of  letters  of  his  time,  except  perhaps  Antony 
Munday,  held  Madame  de  Scvigne's  opinion  that  the 
public  is  "  ni  fou  ni  injuste. "  From  the  point  of  view 
of  the  stage,  no  great  wrong  was  done  the  poet,  how- 
ever much  personal  feeling  may  have  played  a  part  in 
the  condemnation  of  a  drama  by  the  author  of  the 
Poetaster,  the  outspoken  critic  and  satirist  of  his  own 
audiences.  Indeed,  the  public  was  not  altogether  un- 
discriminating,  since  in  the  splenetic  outburst  prefixed  to 
Catiline,  a  play  based  on  the  same  principles,  Jonson 
himself  indignantly  admits  that  the  first  two  acts,  "  be- 
cause they  are  the  worst,"  did  not  fail  of  approval.1 

As  to  the  sources,  Jonson  has  himself  given  us  much 
information  in  his  notes,  to  which  some  additions  have 
been  made.  Not  a  great  deal  need  be  said  here.  In 

1  Sejaaui  met  with  tome  favor  abroad,  where  it  wai  translated 
into  German  ;  tee  Bibliography,  under  Bolte.  Under  Charles  II  it 
was  given  at  least  one  performance,  and  Pepys  viewed  its  companion, 
Catiline,  with  qualified  approbation.  Langbaine  says  that  Sejanut 
"  is  generally  commended  by  all  lovers  of  poetry,"  and  it  was  re- 
rived  and  adapted  for  political  purposes  in  the  eighteenth  century. 


2flntroDuctton 

genera!,  they  are  of  two  kinds,  those  which  supplied 
the  facts,  and  those  of  which  he  made  use  in  order  to 
fill  up  the  background  and  give  solidity  to  the  characters; 
Tacitus  and  Dio  furnished  most  of  the  facts,  while 
Tacitus,  Suetonius,  and  the  satirists,  especially  Juvenal, 
fill  up  the  background;  incidentally  much  of  Latin  lit- 
erature, particularly  the  writings  of  Seneca,  is  liberally 
drawn  upon.1 

Jonson  adhered  with  great  fidelity  to  the  sources  of 
the  first  class,  and  in  few  respects  do  we  find  him  de- 
parting from  the  story  they  tell.  Of  course,  any  histor- 
ical dramatist,  in  fitting  his  material  for  the  stage,  must 
construct  scenes  and  conversations  for  which  he  has  no 
immediate  warrant,  and  to  that  extent  Jonson  exhibits 
independence  of  his  authorities:  a  hint  that  an  interview 
has  taken  place  is  elaborated  into  an  extended  confer- 
ence (n,  i);  a  consultation  apparently  carried  on  by 
letter  is  converted  into  a  personal  interview  (n,  ii); 
many  conversations  are  freely  inserted  (n,  iv) ;  a  long 
letter  of  which  only  the  most  general  account  has  come 
down  to  us  is  reconstructed  in  its  entirety  (v,  viii); 

1  It  is  today  hardly  necessary  to  defend  Jonson  upon  the  charge 
of  plagiarism,  even  when  he  appropriates  passage  after  passage  from 
Lucan  or  Seneca.  Critics  and  commentators  seem  at  length  willing 
to  accord  what  writers  have  always  arrogated,  namely,  the  right  of 
eminent  domain.  The  question  becomes  simply:  what  use  has  been 
made  of  the  spoils  ?  In  the  present  case,  "  the  play's  the  thing," 
and  Sejanus  acquits  its  author.  For  that  matter,  even  the  most  ac- 
rimonious attack  cannot  convict  him  of  more  than  following  some- 
what literally  the  advice  of  Claudian  : 

Plus  est  servasse  repertum 
Quam  quaessisse  novum. 


jflntro&uction 

dramatic  effect  is  subserved,  as  when  Silius  is  made  to 
commit  suicide  in  the  senate-house  instead  of  at  home; 
historical  time  becomes  dramatic  time,  and  events  that 
occurred  months  or  even  years  apart  are  brought  to- 
gether on  the  stage.  So  much  the  poet  is  compelled  to 
do  by  the  conditions  under  which  he  works.  But  Jon- 
son  hardly  went  further.  He  added  no  incidents  of 
weight,  nor,  in  any  important  degree,  did  he  change  the 
course  of  events.  I  believe  that  every  minor  character 
has  some  kind  of  historical  existence,  however  shadowy. 
Whenever  possible,  moreover,  he  employed  the  lan- 
guage of  the  characters  as  history  records  it,  thereby 
falling  into  line,  though  for  a  different  reason,  with  the 
practice  of  contemporary  playwrights.  Too  often  they 
did  so  in  order  to  save  time  and  labor;  but  of  these  Jon- 
son  was  prodigal. 

Nor  does  the  fact  that,  in  giving  substance  to  back- 
ground and  character,  he  translated  or  adapted  whatever 
passages  of  the  satirists  could  be  brought  to  bear, '  at  all 

1  Mutatis  mutandis,  what  Hofmiller  says,  Die  ertten  seeks  Mas- 
ken  Ben  Jonton't,  1901,  80,  with  regard  to  Jonson's  utilization  of 
sources  forms  an  instructive  commentary  upon  his  tragic  composi- 
tion ;  "  Die  art,  wie  J  die  Autoren  beniitzt,  bestatigt  das  bishcrige 
Urteil:  Er  ist  in  der  Erfindung  selbstandig,  im  Kombinieren  iiber- 
raschend,  in  der  Ausfuhrung  und  Motivierung  des  Details  lehnt  er 
sich  geme  an.  Die  Masque  of  Blackness  ist  auf  einer  Fu'lle  von  ein- 
zelnen  Quellenstellen  aufgebaut,  die  geistreich  kombiniert  sind.  Die 
Masque  of  Beauty  geht  auf  Philostratus  zuriick.  Die  Hymenari  sind 
ein  meisterhaftes  Mosaikgemalde  einer  romischen  Vcrrruhlungs- 
feier.  Catull  hat  sowohl  das  Epithalamium  inipiriert,  als  das  Thema 
fur  die  Barrieri  gegeben.  Bei  Hue  and  Cry  after  Cupid  kann  das 
Vorbild  Zeile  fur  Zeile,  ja  Halbzeile  fur  Halbzeile  nachgewieten 
werden ;  cbenso  bei  der  Masque  of  Queen i.  Am  selbstandigsten  sind 


iflntroDuetton 

invalidate  Jonson's  claim  to  «  truth  of" argument.'  For 
nothing  that  they  supply  is  inconsistent  with  the  facts, 
and  in  tone  and  point  of  view  they  accord  remarkably 
well  with  Tacitus  himself,  though  of  course  they  rarely 
deal  with  the  same  series  of  events.  In  making  use  of 
them,  Jonson  felt  that  he  was  faithfully  reproducing  the 
atmosphere  of  Rome,  far  more  faithfully  than  if  he  had 
chosen  to  rely  upon  his  own  imagination. 

Fidelity  to  his  source  then  seems  in  Jonson's  opinion 
to  be  one  of  the  proper  characteristics  of  a  tragic  writer.1 
What  else  does  he  consider  important  ? 

It  is  difficult  to  collect  out  of  Jonson's  works  an  ex- 
plicit and  consistent  doctrine  respecting  tragedy,2  as  he 

die  Barriers  zu  dieser  Masque,  und  Oberon.  Am  wortlichsten  be- 
niitzt  J  Catull,  Moschos  und  Lucan,  sowie  die  Autoren  zu  den  his- 
torischen  Erlauterungen  der  Masque  of  Queens ;  Horaz  und  Virgil 
folgen  zunachst." 

1  The  position  at  first  sight  seems  hardly  consistent  with  his 
judgment  on  du  Bartas  (Conversations,  iv):  "  That  he  thought  not 
Bartas  a  poet,  but  a  verser,  because   he  wrote  not  fiction."   Else- 
where (see  Reinsch,   6)  he  speaks  of  the  poets  as  '  feigning '  or 
writing  'things  like  the  truth'    (Discoveries,  73).    Yet  (seethe 
Dedications  to  Sejanus  and   Catiline')   he  regards  these  tragedies  as 
poems  and  himself  in  writing  them  as  a  poet.   The  essential  element 
of  imagination  he  doubtless  found  in  the  amalgamation  and  unifying 
of  the  various  historical  fragments  and  in  the  elaborate  development 
of  the  characters.   He  would  have  said  that  Sejanus,  as  a  whole,  in 
the  entirety  of  its  action  and  dialogue,  -was  not  the  truth,  but  was 
like  the  truth. 

2  The  Discoveries  must  be  used  with  caution,  for  it  is  not  always 
easy  to  tell  how  much  they  represent  his  own  convictions,  how 
much  they  are  mere  notes  of  his  reading.    When  I  quote  passages 
from  them  as  illustrating  his  artistic  theory,  I  shall  try  to  support 
them  by  passages  from  his  plays  in  which  we  find  undoubted  expres- 
sion  of  his  views.    References  to  the   Discoveries   are  always  to 
Schilling's  edition. 


xxvi  jhuroimcrion 

affords  us  less  definite  information  than  we  might  ex- 
pect from  a  man  of  his  pronounced  interest  in  the  theory 
of  literature  and  his  frequent  critical  utterances.  Doubt- 
less a  formal  statement  of  his  matured  views  was  contained 
in  the  notes  to  his  translation  of  the  De  Arte  Pot  (tea, 
but  as  they  were  '  ravish' d  hence '  by  fire,  we  arc  re- 
duced to  the  collation  of  scattered  passages,  written  at 
different  times  and  under  different  conditions.  With  the 
study  of  these  explicitly  critical  memorabilia,  we  must 
combine  the  analysis  of  his  tragic  writings,  with  the 
result  of  reaching  conclusions  not  always  in  harmony. 
Indeed,  in  the  meditation  and  practice  of  forty  years  of 
an  actively  intellectual  and  reflective  life,  it  is  in  vain  to 
expect  entire  agreement,  especially  at  a  time  when  crit- 
ical standards  are  just  beginning  to  be  the  subject  of 
a  freer  inquiry.  No  one  has  stated  more  lucidly  and 
cogently  the  fundamental  principle  of  aesthetics,  that 
the  ideals  of  one  age  must  not  tyrannize  over  those  of 
another:  "  Nulla  ars,"  he  tells  us,  "  simul  et  inventa  est 
et  absoluta."  And  yet  more  than  once  his  adherence 
to  traditional  formulae  seems  almost  bigoted.  Differently 
viewed,  the  problem  admits  of  general  statement  in  terms 
of  character:  he  experienced  in  a  degree  not  often  paral- 
leled, the  vocation  of  criticism  as  well  as  that  of  creative 
literature;  born  critic  and  born  dramatist,  the  instinct 
for  law  and  order  characteristic  of  the  one  battled,  at 
times  bitterly,  with  the  instinct  for  freedom  character- 
istic of  the  other.  It  is  the  persistence  of  this  critical 
antinomy,  thoroughly  reconciled  only  in  his  best  plays 
of  the  comic  thread,  that  must  be  called  upon  to  explain 
much  that  is  puzzling  in  his  attitude  and  opinions.  Yet 


3f|ntroDuctton 

the  reader  should  remember  that  it  was  Jonson's  very 
intellectual  power  that  under  the  conditions  of  the  day 
engendered  this  conflict:  he  was  too  strong  a  thinker  to 
underestimate,  however  he  might  misjudge,  the  worth 
of  ancient  literature;  he  was  too  clear  a  thinker  not  to 
see  the  weakness  of  mere  imitation;  he  was  too  inde- 
pendent not  to  feel  strongly  the  claims  of  his  own  gen- 
eration; yet  he  was  too  conservative  to  relish  entirely 
the  self-sufficiency  of '1'art  nouveau,'  or  to  admit  that 
the  oracles  of  criticism  were  for  all  time  dumb. 

As  student  of  aesthetic  theory,  comprehensive  and 
profound  in  his  knowledge  of  classical  and  Renaissance 
criticism,1  Jonson's  conception  of  the  chief  function  of 
poetry  hardly  differed  materially  from  that  entertained 
by  Aristotle,  Horace,  Scaliger,  or  Heinsius.2  Pro  Jesse 
et  delectare  ran  the  conventional  formula,  of  which  the 
first  member  indicated  the  immediate  end  and  justifica- 
tion, the  second  the  means.  All  forms  of  poetry  were 
embraced  under  it,  and  no  distinction  is  of  course  drawn 
between  comedy  and  tragedy. 

But  how  may  these  last  discharge  their  didactic  func- 
tion ?  Jonson  returns  explicit  answer  as  regards  comedy. 
«'  What  figure  of  a  body  was  Lysippus  ever  able  to  form 
with  his  graver,  or  Apelles  to  paint  with  his  pencil,  as 
the  comedy  to  life  expresseth  so  many  and  various 
affections  of  the  mind  ?  There  shall  the  spectator  see 

1  As  Saint  Augustine  said  of  Varro,  '  tarn  multa  legit,  ut  aliquid 
ei  scribere  vacuisse  miremur. ' 

1  See  Jonson,  passim,  e.  g.,  Discoveries,  34,  49,  75,  and  the 
Dedication  to  Volpone.  Cf.  Spingarn,  Literary  Criticism  in  the 
Renaissance,  pp.  60  ff. ,  for  a  discussion  of  Renaissance  dramatic 
theory. 


xxviii  ^Introduction 

some  insulting  with  joy,  others  fretting  with  melancholy, 
raging  with  anger,  mad  with  love,  boiling  with  avarice, 
undone  with  riot,  tortured  with  expectation,  consumed 
with  fear:  no  perturbation  in  common  life  but  the  orator 
finds  an  example  of  it  in  the  scene. "  *  A  comedy,  how- 
ever, does  not  necessarily  move  laughter,  nor  does  it 
necessarily  end  joyfully.1  It  teaches  by  representing  the 
passions  of  life  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  men  ashamed 
of  their  indulgence,  or  at  least  sensible  of  the  inconven- 
ience and  odium  to  which  they  give  rise. 

"  The  parts  of  a  comedy  are  the  same  with  a  tragedy, 
and  the  end  is  partly  the  same,  for  they  both  delight 
and  teach. "3  Clearly,  in  using  the  phrase,  'partly 
the  same,'  Jonson  had  in  mind  Aristotle's  dictum  that 
tragedy  accomplishes  its  mission  of  teaching  by  purg- 
ing the  mind  through  pity  and  terror.  This  dictum  he 
interprets  in  the  fashion  of  the  day.  As  subjects  for 
tragedy,  he  chooses  Sejanus,  Catiline,  Mortimer, 
Richard  Crookback  (i.  e.,  Richard  III)«  ;  each  plot 
has  for  its  centre  a  great  criminal  or  a  great  group  of 

1  Discoveries,  79  ;  cf.  Prologues  to  Every  Man  in  hit  Humour, 
The  Alchemist,  the  Staple  of  News,  and  the  Induction  to  Act  I  of 
Every  Man  out  of  hit  Humour. 

*  Discoveries,  81,  and  Dedication  to  Po/pone. 

*  Discoveries,  8l. 

4  It  should  be  added  that  we  know  him  to  have  been  concerned 
with  Dekker  in  a  tragedy  called  Page  of  Plymouth,  and  with 
Dekker,  Chettle,  and  an  unknown  in  an  historical  tragedy  called 
Robert  II,  King  of  Scott.  For  the  plays  mentioned  in  the  text  he 
seems  solely  responsible  ;  cf.,  however,  for  Sejanut,  the  note  on  5,50 
below,  and  for  Richard  Crookback,  Fleay's  suggestion  that  it  was  an 
alteration  of  an  earlier  play  by  Marlowe,  a  suggestion  rating  upon 
his  theory  of  the  authorship  of  Shakespeare's  Richard  III. 


^Introduction 

criminals,  and  in  the  first  three,1  presumably  the  fourth 
also  (for  the  play  is  not  extant),  the  interest  of  the 
action  resides  in  the  crimes  of  the  evil-doers  and  their 
eventual  punishment.  Pity  for  the  victims  and  terror 
of  the  criminals  combine  to  impress  upon  us  a  great 
moral  lesson.  Thus  Jonson  takes  'katharsis,'  not  in 
the  sense  of  an  emotional  relief,  apparently  the  prevail- 
ing opinion  to-day,  but  in  that  of  a  moral  purification, 
a  conclusion  reinforced  when  we  consider  how  he  in- 
sists constantly  upon  the  didactic  function  of  poetry, 
and  the  strongly  moral  and  satirical  bent  of  every  play  • 
that  he  wrote.2 

There  are,  however,  other  points  to  be  noted.  It 
was  generally  thought  that  comedy  imitates  « common 
life. '  3  Moreover,  in  the  preface  to  Sejanus,  he  speaks 
of « truth  of  argument,  dignity  of  persons,  gravity  and 
height  of  elocution,  fullness  and  frequency  of  sentence '  4 
as  essential  '  offices  of  a  tragic  writer. '  And  of  course 
tragedies  had  to  have  unhappy  endings,  consisting  as 

1  The  third  is  merely  a  fragment;  see  below,  p.  xxxvii,  note  I. 

2  Aristotle  tells  the  tragic  writer  to  select  as  his  hero  a  '  moder- 
ately good  man.'  Jonson  would  of  course  be  influenced  by  the 
example  of  Seneca,  some  of  whose  principal  figures  are  Atreus, 
Clytemnaestra,  Medea,  Phaedra. 

3  Discoveries,  79  ;  cf.  Prologue  to  Every  Man  in  his  Humour. 

4  For  '  dignity  of  persons,'  see  note,  p.  xxxii,  below.    By  a  '  sen- 
tence '  was  meant  the  pithy,  epigrammatic  expression  of  some  moral, 
political,  or  social  generalization.   What  the  Clerk  of  Oxford  spoke 
was 

'  Short  and  quik,  and  full  of  hy  sentence. 
Souninge  in  moral  vertu  was  his  speche, 
And  gladly  wolde  he  lerne,  and  gladly  teche.* 

Webster's   conception  of  tragedy  was  not  essentially  different  in 

theory;  cf.  note  on  1.  6  of  To  the  Readers. 


xxx  7  wroDiirtion 

they  did  in  'falls  of  princes.'  If  we  take  all  these  points 
together,  we  shall  see  our  way  clearly.  Tragedy,  like 
comedy,  teaches,  but  whereas  comedy,  dealing  with 
common  life,  instructs  the  ordinary  man  how  to  govern 
his  passions  and  rule  himself  by  showing  him  that  the 
indulgence  of  passions  and  follies  covers  men  with  shame 
and  ridicule,  may  indeed,  as  in  l^olpone,  lead  them  to 
almost  any  punishment  short  of  mortal ;  tragedy,  deal- 
ing with  the  lives  of  those  classes  to  whom  the  guidance 
and  safe-conduct  of  society  are  entrusted,  instructs  in 
a  more  deeply  impressive  fashion.  The  difference  is  the 
difference  between  the  public  and  the  private  criminal  : 
the  vices  of  the  one  react  upon  himself  or  his  immediate 
neighbor;  the  crimes  of  the  other  plunge  a  whole  state 
into  mourning.  An  ordinary  man,  like  Kitely,  Sordido, 
Volpone,  may  fitly  be  dealt  with  by  ordinary  means, 
ridicule  or  satire,  or,  on  occasion,  a  little  wholesome 
correction;  but  a  Catiline,  a  Sejanus,  —  these  men 
brave  fate,  and  accordingly  it  is  fate  that  deals  out  their 
reward. 

May  we  not  say,  then,  that  for  Jonson  the  essential 
difference  between  the  two  forms  of  drama  is  external, 
a  difference  of  scale,  not  so  much  of  nature  ? '  Little  of 
the  sweep,  the  scope,  the  intensity  of  tragic  passion  is 
to  be  found  in  his  tragic  writing.  He  was  blind  to  the 
opportunities  offered  by  the  character  of  Agrippina, 
and  his  meticulous  analysis  of  the  mind  of  Tiberius 

1  That  if  why  scene*  like  II,  i,  in  Stjjnus,  u  in  Catilint,  though 
in  the  be*  vein  of  [orison's  satiric  comedy,  are  not  felt  by  him  to 
be  inconsistent  with  their  surroundings,  so  that  he  can  call  Catilint 
a  legitimate  poem. 


2f|ntroDuction 

leaves  no  room  for  any  quality  of  grandeur  such  as  even 
Tacitus  fails  not  to  reveal.  This  is  not  the  veiled  figure 
that  lives  on  in  the  memory  of  the  race,  grim,  awful, 
inscrutable.  Nor  is  Jonson's  success  much  greater  with 
his  Catiline.  Here,  if  anywhere,  it  was  his  purpose  to 
erect  a  figure  larger  than  the  common  mould  of  men, 
and  here,  if  anywhere,  do  we  feel  the  heaving  ground- 
swell  of  elemental  passion. 

"  The  cruelty  I  mean  to  act,  I  wish 

Should  be  call'd  mine,  and  tarry  in  my  name ; 
Whilst  after-ages  do  toil  out  themselves 
In  thinking  for  the  like,  but  do  it  less  : 
And  were  the  power  of  all  the  fiends  let  loose, 
With  fate  to  boot,  it  should  be  still  example, 
When,  what  the  Gaul  or  Moor  could  not  effect, 
Nor  emulous  Carthage,  with  their  length  of  spite, 
Shall  be  the  work  of  one,  and  that  MY  night." 

The  long  opening  speech  of  Sylla's  ghost  is  there  to 
draw  large  in  our  imaginations  the  character  of  Catiline, 
and  Petreius  in  that  really  fine  passage, 

"  Whilst  Catiline  came  on,  not  with  the  face 
Of  any  man,  but  of  a  public  ruin," 

has  adequately  expressed  Jonson'  s  conception.  Yet,  after 
all  is  said,  Catiline  is  but  another  ruined  gamester, 
setting  up  his  rest  on  a  last  throw  of  the  dice.  Only 
occasionally  does  Jonson  seem  to  appreciate  what  is  to 
us  so  striking  a  feature  of  tragic  poetry,  that  it  lifts  us 
*  out  of  the  mist  and  hum  of  that  low  land  '  of  every- 
day existence  into  a  region  where  man,  stripped  as  far  as 
may  be  of  the  adventitious  garments  of  society  and  cus- 
tom, bares  his  soul  to  the  universal  and  the  elemental.1 
1  I  do  not  wish  to  venture  too  far  into  the  dark  and  bloody 


xxxii  IntroDttftion 

Thus  Jonson's  tragic  figures,  when  impressive  at  all, 
are  so  in  a  certain  narrowly  realistic  way.  They  pos- 
sess emotionally  limited  personalities.  In  Tiberius  and 
Sejanus,  even  in  Catiline,  intellect  smothers  emotion  ; 
motive  appears  chiefly  in  the  form  of  its  result,  a  care- 
fully elaborated  plan  of  action,  based  on  chances  calcu- 
lated with  a  truly  commercial  and  speculative  instinct. 
Their  errors  are  at  bottom  mathematical,  and  they  fall 
because  their  calculations  are  inaccurate,  not  because 
somehow  they  have  defied  '  the  stream  of  tendency 
making  for  righteousness.'  Rarely  in  either  play  do  our 
cars  catch,  as  in  Macbeth  or  Lear  or  even  in  the 
Changeling,  the  steady  and  distant  tread  of  ineluctable 
doom.  Tiberius  maintains  himself  to  the  last,  craft  is 
overcome  by  deeper  craft,  and  he  who  comes  triumph- 
ant out  of  the  conflict  is  the  greatest  criminal  of  all. 

It  seems  to  us  a  fundamental  defect  in  the  older 
conception  of  tragedy  that  it  should  be  so  closely  bound 
up  with  "all  the  solemn  plausibilities  of  the  world"; 
just  as  no  figure  was  properly  tragic  unless  it  possessed 
the  accidental  attribute  of  high  social  position,'  so  no 

ground  of  aesthetic  theory  ;  my  aim  is  merely  to  suggest  an  import- 
ant fact  regarding  which  Renaissance  critics  were  generally  at  sea. 
The  '  tragic  aspect  of  life '  was  one  that  they  had  not  faced  in  in 
relation  to  tragic  art.  To  put  it  differently,  they  had  not  yet  grounded 
tragedy  upon  pessimism,  which  seems  perhaps  to  be  its  real  basis  ; 
see  Nietzsche,  Geburt  dtr  Tragldte ;  Volkelt,  Atahttik  dti  Tragi- 
tchcn,  etc. 

1  This  essential  condition  of  a  tragic  situation  appears  to  us 
arbitrary  and  superficial.  In  reality  it  followed  naturally  from  the 
old  conception  of  the  primary  function  of  art  and  from  the  old  or- 
ganization of  society.  Burke,  though  of  course  without  thought  of 
anything  like  the  present  topic,  illuminates  the  whole  matter  in  his 


^Introduction 

situation  was  in  itself  tragic  unless  it  involved  a  striking 
reversal  of  fortune,  usually  the  death  of  the  chief  char- 
acter. We  may  be  quite  confident  that  it  never  occurred 
to  Jonson  that  his  Tiberius  is  far  more  of  a  tragic  figure 
than  his  Sejanus,  that  the  lonely  despot,  throned  high 
in  desolation,  suffered  the  more  awful  punishment. 
Shakespeare's  conception  was  of  course  far  deeper.  The 
tragic  element  in  Macbeth,  to  take  perhaps  the  clearest 
example,  is  quite  independent  of  the  mere  fact  that 

characteristic  manner  in  his  Reflections  on  the  French  Re-volution : 
"  Why  do  I  feel  so  differently  from  the  Reverend  Dr.  Price,  and 
those  of  his  lay  flock,  who  will  choose  to  adopt  the  sentiments 
of  his  discourse  ?  —  For  this  plain  reason  —  because  it  is  natural 
I  should ;  because  we  are  so  made,  as  to  be  affected  at  such 
spectacles  with  melancholy  sentiments  upon  the  unstable  condition 
of  mortal  prosperity,  and  the  tremendous  uncertainty  of  human 
greatness  ;  because  in  those  natural  feelings  we  learn  great  lessons ; 
because  in  events  like  these  our  passions  instruct  our  reason;  because 
when  kings  are  hurled  from  their  thrones  by  the  Supreme  Director 
of  this  great  drama,  and  become  the  objects  of  insult  to  the  base, 
and  of  pity  to  the  good,  we  behold  such  disasters  in  the  moral,  as 
we  should  behold  a  miracle  in  the  physical  order  of  things.  We 
are  alarmed  into  reflection  ;  our  minds  (as  it  has  long  since  been 
observed )  are  purified  by  terror  and  pity ;  our  weak,  unthinking 
pride  is  humbled  under  the  dispensations  of  a  mysterious  wisdom. 
Some  tears  might  be  drawn  from  me,  if  such  a  spectacle  were  ex- 
hibited on  the  stage.  I  should  be  truly  ashamed  of  finding  in  myself 
that  superficial,  theatric  sense  of  painted  distress,  whilst  I  could 
exult  over  it  in  real  life."  Hurd,  in  his  Essay  on  the  Provinces  of 
the  Drama,  notices  the  reasons  for  the  preference  of  exalted  per- 
sonages in  tragedy  over  those  in  a  private  station,  and  goes  on: 
"  Yet  our  passion  for  the  familiar,  goes  so  far,  that  we  have  tragedies, 
not  only  of  private  action,  but  of  private  persons ;  and  so  have  well 
nigh  annihilated  the  noblest  of  the  two  dramas  amongst  us."  See 
also  Butcher,  Aristotle's  Theory  of  Poetry  and  Fine  Art,  136-7  ; 
Saintsbury,  History  of  Criticism,  n,  61. 


^Introduction 

Macbeth  is  himself  killed  at  the  end  of  the  play.  From 
this  point  of  view,  the  death  of  the  body  is  but  the 
fitting  symbol  or  expression  of  the  death  of  the  soul 
that  has  gone  before.  One  realizes  dimly  how  terrible 
would  have  been  the  Tiberius  of  Shakespeare.  Jonson 
himself,  for  all  that  his  tragedy  is  the  tragedy  of  Sejanus, 
could  not  help  making  Tiberius  the  dominating  figure, 
though  more  by  virtue  of  greater  craft  and  greater 
astuteness  than  of  an  inherent  nobility  or  grandeur  of 
conception;  and  Tiberius,  "by  his  own  stale  devil 
spurr'd,"  fails  to  be  a  tragic  figure  because  he  lacks 
the  exalted  fullness  and  freedom  of  emotional  life  that 
tragedy  demands. 

If  Nietzsche  says  rightly  that  every  tragedy,  in  the 
true  sense  of  the  term,  leaves  us  with  the  metaphysical 
solace,  that  life,  despite  all  the  flux  and  flow  of  phenom- 
ena, has  an  indestructible  basis  of  power  and  exhilar- 
ation," '  must  we  not  say  that  here  also  Jonson  failed 
to  appreciate  the  task  he  undertook  ?  Surely  neither 
Sejanus  nor  Catilint  leaves  the  reader  with  any  such 
consolation.  Shakespeare  does,  and  so  do  the  other 
great  Elizabethan  writers  of  tragedy,  each  in  his  own 
measure.  But  even  in  the  scenes  that  Jonson  may  have 
added  to  Kyd's  Spanish  Tragedy,  scenes  in  which,  if 
anywhere,  he  rises  to  almost  the  full  stature  of  a  tragic 
poet,  such  an  effect  is  not  produced.  May  it  not  be  signi- 
ficant that  he  never  acknowledged,  so  far  as  we  know, 
the  authorship  of  these  passages,  even  as  a  sin  of  his 
younger  days?*  In  any  case,  however  excellent  as  an 

1  Geburt  der  Tragottie,  3d  ed.,  1894,  55. 

2  The  latest  discussion  of  the  question  of  hii  authorship  U  found 


UntroDuction 

explosion  of  sorrow  and  passion,  they  can  hardly  be  said 
to  show  more  than  the  possession  in  Jonson's  youth  of  a 
certain  aptitude  for  tragedy  which  he  later  deliberately 
stifled. 

While  thus  adopting  classical  and  Renaissance  ideas 
in  regard  to  the  purpose  of  dramatic  writing,  Jonson 
does  not  necessarily  hold  that  that  purpose  can  be  at- 
tained only  through  narrow  observance  of  classical  rule. 
Particularly  specific  is  his  statement  concerning  comedy. 
In  the  Induction  to  Every  Man  out  of  bis  Humour,  he 
says  in  effect  that,  since  even  in  classical  times  the  rules 
governing  the  structure  of  a  comedy  were  altered  from 
time  to  time,  there  is  no  reason  why  modern  writers  of 
comedy  should  not  introduce  further  alterations  if  it  seems 
advisable  to  do  so. 

Yet  even  in  comedy  as  time  goes  on  he  adheres  more 
closely  to  the  ancient  doctrine;  thus  in  the  Dedication  to 
Volpone  he  says  that  he  is  bringing  back  to  the  stage, 
not  merely  "the  ancient  forms,  but  manners  of  the  scene, 
the  easiness,  the  propriety,  the  innocence,  and  last,  the 
doctrine,  which  is  the  principal  end  of  poesie,  to  inform 
men  in  the  best  reason  of  living."  In  The  Alchemist 
and  Epicoene,  as  well  as  in  his  other  comedies,  there  is 
in  almost  every  case  a  strenuous  effort  made  to  conform 
to  classical  precept. 

Apparently  tragedy  is  not  equally  independent.  In  the 
Induction  the  principal  reason  alleged  for  permitting  mod- 
ern alteration  in  comedy  is  that  the  laws  governing  that 

in  Castelain,  Ben  yonson,  Appendix  B.  There  is  really  no  means  of 
solving  the  problem,  save  perhaps  by  adducing  the  Jesuit  doctrine 
of  probable  opinions. 


xxxvi  jfntroDuction 

form  have  not  been  ' '  delivered  ab  initio,  and  in  their 
present  virtue  and  perfection,"  for  in  that  case,  "there 
had  been  some  reason  of  obeying  their  powers."  But 
as  classical  writers  of  comedy  altered  and  improved,  so 
may  we  do.  Moreover,  Jonson  has  nowhere  traced  the 
development  of  ancient  tragedy  as  he  has  that  of  comedy 
in  this  passage,  and  without  question  he  did  not  know 
that  the  choruses  were  often  omitted  in  the  later  period.' 
He  would,  too,  be  especially  influenced  by  the  fact  that 
whereas  Terence  and  Plautus  differ  markedly  in  the 
matter  of  structure  from  Aristophanes,  Seneca  differs  com- 
paratively little  in  the  same  respect  from  Sophocles  and 
Euripides.  Thus  he  might  readily  assume  that  classical 
criticism  admitted  that  its  laws  of  comedy  were  change- 
able, but  made  no  such  admission  with  regard  to  the 
other  type,  and  that  the  greater  stability  of  the  rules  of 
ancient  tragedy  made  obedience  to  them  well-nigh  imper- 
ative.* 

1   Haigh,  Tragic  Drama  of  the  Gretkt,  451-1. 

*  The  baffling  nature  of  any  attempt  to  arrive  at  a  final  statement 
of  Jonson'*  critical  views  U  illustrated  by  this  passage  from  the  Dit- 
coveriei,  79-80:  "  I  am  not  of  that  opinion  to  conclude  a  poet's 
liberty  within  the  narrow  limits  of  laws  which  either  the  grammarians 
or  philosophers  prescribe.  For  before  they  found  out  those  laws  there 
were  many  excellent  poets  that  fulfilled  them,  amongst  whom  none 
more  perfect  than  Sophocles,  who  lived  a  little  before  Aristotle. ' '  As 
Aristotle  does  not  deal  with  comedy,  and  as  Jonson  has  already  point- 
ed out  in  the  Induction  that  the  ancient  laws  of  comedy  were  not 
fixed,  we  may  conclude  that  in  this  passage  he  has  tragedy  especially 
in  mind,  and  that  he  is  declaring  the  independence  of  the  modern 
tragic  poet.  Yet  the  declaration  U  by  no  means  so  complete  as  it 
sounds.  For  while  the  poet  may  be  declared  independent  of  the 
critic,  he  ii  not  declared  independent  of  great  example;  and  from  the 
second  sentence  we  learn  definitely  that  there  are  laws  and  that  poets 


3]ntroDuction 

Again,  in  the  preface  to  Sejanus,  Jonson  regrets  the 
fact  that  the  conditions  under  which  Sejanus  is  presented 
make  it  impossible  to  observe  "  the  old  state  and  splendor 
of  dramatic  poems,"  the  play  being  defective,  as  ex- 
pressly stated,  in  respect  to  "the  strict  laws  of  time, ' '  and 
the  "  want  of  a  proper  chorus. ' '  Such  language  makes  it 
clear  that  the  ancient  practice  should  have  been  followed 
in  these  matters.  So  important  apparently  is  the  chorus 
that  he  calls  Catiline  in  the  Dedication  a  "legitimate 
poem  "  (the  phrase  should  be  contrasted  with  the  "no 
true  poem"  of  the  preface  to  Sejanus},  although  the 
presence  of  the  chorus  is  the  chief  structural  difference 
between  the  two. 

The  fragment  called  the  Fall of  Mortimer  r  is  of  very 

practiced  them  before  the  critics  found  them  out.  Aristotle  is  a  great 
critic  because  (compare  Discoveries,  p.  78)  he  systematized  and 
explained  the  practice  of  preceding  writers.  What  Jonson  means, 
I  think,  is  that  the  true  poet  has  a  soundness  of  instinct  that  leads 
him  to  obey  rules  before  they  are  discovered  and  formulated. 

1  It  comprises  an  '  Argument,'  including  analyses  of  the  choruses, 
a  list  of  dramatis  personae,  and  about  70  lines  of  i,  i,  made  up  of 
a  soliloquy  by  Mortimer,  and  a  brief  dialogue  between  him  and  Isa- 
bella. There  are  eight  male  characters,  including  a  '  nuntius,'  and 
one  female,  besides  choruses  of  ladies,  of  courtiers,  of  country  justices, 
and  of  unnamed  persons,  perhaps  citizens. 

Mortimer's  rise  to  power  is  not  to  be  represented,  nor  the  growth 
of  his  liaison  with  Isabella.  Act  i  "  comprehends  Mortimer's  pride 
and  security"  and  the  advice  given  him  by  the  Bishop  of  Worces- 
ter; n,  the  incredulity  of  Edward  III  as  regards  the  reports  against 
Mortimer  and  Isabella;  in,  a  relation,  by  way  of  vision,  of  the  events 
leading  up  to  the  given  situation;  iv,  the  change  of  mind  on  the  part 
of  Edward,  and  his  plans  for  the  overthrow  of  Mortimer;  v,  the  re- 
lation to  the  Earl  of  Lancaster,  presumably  by  the  Nuntius,  of  the 
outcome  of  these  plans.  The  surprising  of  Mortimer  in  the  Queen's 
chamber  and  his  execution  are  related  by  the  chorus  between  iv 


xxxviii  ImroDtiction 

great  interest  in  this  connection.  So  far  as  the  Argument 
informs  us,  absolutely  nothing  was  to  happen  on  the  stage, 
and  it  was  evidently  Jonson's  purpose  to  reduce  the  plot 
to  the  lowest  terms  and  make  everything  turn  on  the 
portrayal  of  character  and  the  introduction  of  moral  and 
political  philosophy.  Thus  Mortimer's  soliloquy  ex- 
pounds and  defends  the  principles  upon  which  he  has 
acted,  and  the  few  lines  spoken  by  Isabella  reveal  a  de- 
sign to  infuse  into  her  character  an  element  of  passion 
supposedly  in  harmony  with  her  French  birth.  This 
paucity  of  action  forms  a  striking  contrast  to  the  other 
tragedies.  Although  in  them  some  incidents  are  narrated 
rather  than  represented  and  others  undramatically  treated, 
yet  enough  takes  place  before  the  spectator  to  show  that 
jonson  had  at  that  time  no  objection  to  action  as  such 
on  the  tragic  stage.  The  very  multiplicity  of  figures,  to- 
gether with  their  constant  coming  and  going,  is  an  effect- 
ive substitute  for  action  even  in  the  more  rhetorical  por- 

and  v.  Everything  might  easily  take  place  in  one  day,  and  there 
teems  to  be  no  suggestion  of  a  change  of  scene  from  the  Palace,  where 
the  play  opens. 

Of  interest,  further,  is  the  fact  that  there  were  to  be  at  least  three 
and  presumably  four  chorus  groups,  each  having  its  own  place  in  the 
play,  and  that  these  groups  were  not  to  be  combined.  Chorus  4  might 
be  said  to  have  a  part  in  the  action,  since  it  narrates  events  falling 
between  iv  and  v,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  this  narration  is 
evidently  repeated  by  the  Nuntius  to  Lancaster,  in  v. 

Sejaaut  has  no  chorus.  Catiline  has  one,  but  it  takes  no  part  in  the 
action,  and  there  is  no  suggestion  that  it  is  a  double  chorus,  that  is,  is 
made  up  of  different  groups.  (A  double  chorus,  chorusduplex,  is  found 
in  two  plays  of  Seneca;  none  is  found  in  Greek  tragedy,  but  Aristo- 
phanes employs  it.)  In  Stjanui  and  Catiline,  moreover,  the  speaking 
parts  number  at  least  thirty-seven  and  thirty-three  respectively. 


^Introduction 

tions. '  Yet  another  important  contrast  is  in  the  fact  that 
the  whole  arrangement  and  disposition  of  material  as  dis- 
played in  the  Argument  make  it  well-nigh  certain  that 
in  Mortimer  Jonson  was  striving  to  preserve  the  unities 
of  time  and  place.  No  effort  to  do  this  is  apparently 
made  in  either  Catiline  or  Sejanus,  though  it  is  true  that 
in  the  latter  play  the  scene  is  not  removed  from  Rome. 
And  finally,  whereas  Mortimer,  like  ancient  tragedy, 
does  not  present  a  series  of  incidents,  but  deals  with  the 
last  incident  of  a  series  whereof  the  earlier  members  are 
narrated  to  the  audience  or  perhaps  known  to  them 
beforehand,  both  Sejanus  and  Catiline  are  of  a  different 
type.  Each  of  them  begins,  so  to  speak,  with  the  begin- 
ning, and  follows  the  series  step  by  step. 

As  in  the  case  of  comedy,  we  observe  a  gradual  sub- 
mission on  Jonson' s  part  to  the  dominion  of  the  class- 
ics.2 Catiline  has  a  slightly  simpler  action  than  Se- 
janus, a  greater  amount  of  oratory,  and  a  chorus.  In 

1  In  the  Induction  to  Every  Man  out  of  his  Humour  Jonson 
points  out  certain  dramatic  advantages  resulting  from  having  the  stage 
full  of  figures. 

2  I  assume  that  the  fragment  belongs  to  the  period  of  Jonson'i 
life  after  the  fire  that  consumed  his   books   and  papers  (1623?). 
Such  is  the  natural  assumption,  and  I  know  of  no  reason  why  it 
should  not  be  made.   But  any  date  later  than   1611,  the  year  of 
Catiline,   would  satisfy  the    conditions    of  the    discussion   above. 
Fleay's  conjecture   (Biographical  Chronicle  of  the  Drama,  I,  56, 
356)  that  the  fragment  is  to  be  identified  with  the  '  Mortimer '  of 
Henslowe's  Diary,  1602,  is,  I  think,  placed  absolutely  out  of  court 
by  Greg's  remarks  in  his  edition  of  the  Diary,  n,  1 88,  224.      Such 
evidence  as  we  have  is  all  in  favor  of  the  unqualified  acceptance  of 
Sir  Kenelm  Digby's  note  on  the  fragment,  "  Hee  dy'd,  and  left  it 
unfinished." 


xl  ^Introduction 

the  fragment  the  classical  principles,  as  then  understood, 
have  triumphed,  though  the  very  fact  that  the  play  was 
not  carried  beyond  the  mere  beginning  may  properly 
raise  the  question  how  far  such  momentary  and  isolated, 
even  though  complete  triumph,  is  of  importance  in  the 
general  view  of  Jonson's  critical  beliefs. 

Such  a  process  would  without  doubt  be  furthered  by 
the  irritating  influence  of  public  disapproval.  Jonson 
always  stuck  by  his  guns,  and  worked  them  the  more 
rapidly  as  shot  and  shell  fell  thicker  about  him.  In  St- 
janus  he  tried  to  meet  the  vulgar  halfway; '  yet  even 
thus  he  was  not  '  safe  from  the  wolf's  black  jaw,  and 
the  dull  ass's  hoof,'  and  he  attained  only  a  iutces  d'es- 
time.  He  was  a  man  to  regret  concession  and  to  ask 
whether  he  had  not  turned  traitor  to  the  cause.  In  Cat- 
iline appeared  the  chorus  which  in  Sejanus  had  seemed 
too  great  an  offense  to  public  taste  ;  this  time  the  play 
was  damned.  His  next  tragedy  should  be  impeccable. 
After  all  he  made  no  fetish  of  popularity  ;  now  he 
would  write  as  his  conscience  bade  him. 

Such  being  Jonson's  conception  of  tragedy  in  general, 
we  may  ask  whether  he  furnishes  us  with  specific  in- 
formation regarding  historical  tragedy,  the  kind  that  he 
cultivated  almost  exclusively.2  No  formal  discussion  of 

1  Obviously  Professor  Walter  Raleigh  is  going  too  far  (Style, 
70-71)  in  saying  that  "Jonson  would  have  boasted  that  he  never 
made  the  sacrifice  ' '  (i.  e. ,  on  the  altar  of  popularity)  ;  he  forgot  the 
preface  to  Stjanui. 

*  Jonson's  apparent  preference  for  historical  tragedy  over  the 
other  types  is  not  difficult  to  understand.  It  was  easily  fitted  to  didac- 
tic purposes.  These  men  had  lived,  they  had  committed  these 
crimes,  they  had  been  thus  punished,  whether  by  other  men  or  by 


3IntroDuction  xii 

this  type  as  distinct  from  others  occurs  in  his  work. 
Yet  something  may  be  gathered  from  incidental  remarks. 
'  Truth  of  argument '  is  one  of  the  '  offices  of  a  tragic 
writer,'  and  Jonson  excuses  the  pedantic  accumulation 
of  references  in  the  notes  to  Sejanus  on  the  ground  that 
thereby  he  shows  his  '  integrity  in  the  story  '  and  baffles 
'  those  common  torturers  that  bring  all  wit  to  the  rack.' 
At  once  he  ranges  himself  with  those  who  would  deny 
the  right  of  the  historical  dramatist  to  manipulate  his 
facts  to  suit  his  understanding  of  character  and  the 
forces  determining  the  course  of  events.1  Thus  an- 

fate.  "  But  it  is  more  agreeable  with  the  Gravity  of  a  Tragedy 
that  it  be  grounded  upon  a  true  History,  where  the  Greatness  of  a 
Known  Person,  urging  Regard,  doth  work  the  more  powerfully  upon 
the  Affections. "  (SirW.  Alexander,  Anacrhh,  in  Spingarn's  Seven- 
teenth Century  Critical  Essays,  I,  186. )  Moreover,  Jonson's  own 
period  had  a  special  fondness  for  historical  drama.  Gamier  in  France, 
the  Humanists  in  Italy,  the  Renaissance  poets  generally  seemed  on 
the  whole  to  think  that  a  drama  was  the  better  if  it  had  some  his- 
torical foundation.  It  is  not  necessary  to  do  more  than  refer  to  the 
fact  that  at  least  sixteen  of  Shakespeare's  plays  have  an  historical  or 
supposedly  historical  basis,  and  that  of  his  serious  or  tragic  plays, 
only  Romeo  and  Juliet,  Othello,  and  perhaps  Troilus  and  Cressida 
are  without  it.  And  finally,  classical  tragedy  was  historical,  though 
not  perhaps  in  our  sense  of  the  word.  The  myths  of  Greece  and 
Rome,  whatever  interpretation  might  be  placed  upon  them  by  ad- 
vanced thinkers,  however  the  imagination  of  the  poet  might  be  per- 
mitted to  adapt  them  to  his  purposes,  were  still  accepted  by  the 
generality  of  men  as  records  of  their  early  history,  much  for  ex- 
ample as  the  first  chapters  of  Genesis  were  so  accepted  in  the  eight- 
eenth century. 

1  The  vexed  question  of  how  far  in  this  manipulation  the  poet 
should  be  permitted  to  go,  at  what  point  historical  drama  ceases  to 
be  such  and  becomes  merely  drama,  need  not  concern  us  here, 
since  it  is  tolerably  evident  that  Jonson  refuses  to  concede  the  right, 


xlii  3|ntroDuction 

other  restriction  is  placed  upon  the  poet,  who  is  com- 
pelled to  attack  his  problem  primarily  from  the  intellect- 
ual rather  than  the  imaginative  point  of  view.  Consider 
Sfjaaus  and  Catiline  devoid  of  historical  basis,  like  Phil- 
aster  or  Faust,  and  our  interest  in  them  is  greatly  less- 
ened. The  free  flight  of  imagination  is  restrained  by 
the  jesses  of  material  fact ;  yet  a  partial,  if  not  an  entire 
independence  is  the  first  condition  of  the  exercise  of 
creative  power.  When  this  independence  is  denied,  the 
dramatist  has  simply  to  make  the  best  of  the  matter  and 
accomplish  as  satisfactory  an  adaptation  of  given  means 
to  given  ends  as  circumstances  allow  ;  a  high  degree  of 
such  adaptation,  to  put  it  frankly,  is  what  Jonson's  tra- 
gedy displays. 

A  very  definite  notion  of  what  an  historical  drama 
should  not  be  Jonson  formed  early  in  his  career,  and  in 
the  Prologue  to  Every  Man  in  bis  Humour  he  gave  it 
the  frankest  expression.  Though  he  is  there  speaking 
of  the  contemporary  stage  in  general,  it  is  evident  that 
he  has  a  special  eye  upon  the  chronicle  history.  Its  fre- 
quent bombastic  language,  its  attempt  to  cover  loosely 
and  disconnectedly  long  periods  of  time  and  large  spaces 
of  ground,  and  the  absurdities  resulting  from  the  repre- 
sentation of  battles  by  means  of  a  few  ragged  '  supers  ' 
were  without  doubt  legitimate  grounds  of  objection  even 
in  the  eyes  of  less  exacting  critics.  These  faults  Jonson 
was  careful  to  avoid  in  his  own  work. ' 

further  than  is  implied  in  the  simple  fact  of  dramatization.  Worth 
notice  is  the  similar  attitude  that  he  assumes  toward  translation  j  cf. 
Spingarn,  Seventeenth  Century  Critical  Etiayi,  i,  liv. 

1  Remarks  on  other  elements  in  his  conception  of  historical  drama 
are  to  be  found  in  the  next  section. 


^Introduction 

We  have  so  far  been  considering  Sejanus  and  Catiline 
in  connection  with  ancient  theory.  What  about  ancient 
practice  ?  What  dramatist  more  particularly  embodied 
his  ideals  of  tragedy  ?  Naturally  he  knew  the  Greeks 
well,  but  as  Hofmiller  has  suggested,  he  had  perhaps 
but  slight  appreciation  of  their  aesthetic  value.  His  affin- 
ities indeed  were  markedly  Roman,  and  the  same  writer 
calls  attention  to  the  characteristic  fact  that  none  of  the 
biographies  of  Plutarch  suggested  a  subject  to  him,  but 
rather  the  decaying  Republic  and  the  favorite-ridden 
Empire. 

Thus  Jonson's  model  was  Seneca,  a  choice  imposed 
upon  him  no  doubt  by  the  literary  and  critical  conditions 
of  the  time,1  yet  ill-advised.  For  Seneca's  plays  lack 
action  and  plotting,  abound  in  long  bombastic  speeches, 
and  deal  with  single  situations  spun  out  to  the  limit  of 
rhetorical  ingenuity.  Whether  composed  or  not  for  the 
stage,  the  dramatic  ideals  of  their  author  were  widely 
different  from  ours,  as  well  as  from  those  of  the  Greeks. 

Naturally  we  may  not  reproach  Jonson  in  these  terms. 
In  common  with  the  formal  criticism  of  his  day,  howev- 
er, he  failed  to  perceive  that  these  plays  were  essentially 
undramatic,  and  regarded  their  characteristic  qualities  as 
important  elements  of  good  tragedy.  It  is  the  gravity 
and  height  of  Seneca's  elocution,  the  fullness  and  fre- 
quency of  his  sentence,  in  a  word,  his  rhetoric,  that 
Jonson  approves.  Of  the  four  points  that  he  emphasizes, 

1  An  excellent  analysis  of  some  of  the  reasons  why  Seneca  should 
have  been  the  favorite  tragic  writer  of  the  sixteenth  century  is  found 
in  Bernage,  t.tude  sur  Robert  Gamier ,  pp.  5—6.  Much  of  what  he 
says,  not  to  be  reproduced  here,  would  apply  to  English  dramatists 
and  perhaps  especially  to  Jonson. 


xliv  jlmroDiicttcm 

all  but  one,  perhaps  that  one  also,  may  be  called  purely 
'rhetorical'  excellences.  Neither  dignity  of  persons, 
nor  gravity  and  height  of  elocution,  nor  fullness  and  fre- 
quency of  sentence  constitute  the  essence  of  tragedy  ; 
each  when  pursued  as  an  end  in  itself  dulls  our  insight 
into  the  situation  before  us.  Jonson's  soundness  of  taste, 
to  be  sure,  as  well  as  the  awful  example  of  some  of  his 
immediate  predecessors  and  contemporaries,  kept  him 
from  often  indulging  in  the  bombast  that  forms  so  ugly 
an  excrescence  on  the  style  of  his  Latin  model.  For  all 
that,  Sejanus  produces  too  much  the  effect  of  a  tragedy 
of  words.  The  plot  does  unquestionably  embrace  action 
enough,  but  that  action  does  not  always  tell.  The  word  is 
not  so  much  the  expression  of  the  deed  as  the  deed  is 
the  mere  occasion  for  the  word.  Statistics  such  as  those 
in  the  note  below,1  though  not  in  themselves  of  much 
importance,  help  us  to  realize  vividly  the  rhetorical  nature 
of  the  drama. 

Certain  structural  defects  may  be  briefly  noticed.  It 
should  be  remembered  that  two  threads  of  interest  are 
to  be  kept  in  sight,  the  plot  of  Sejanus  and  Tiberius 
against  the  family  of  Agrippina,  and  the  plot  of  Sejanus 

1  In  Sejanus,  about  one  fifth  of  the  dialogue  is  spoken  by  the  group 
of  Arruntius,  Sabinus,  Silius,  Cordui,  all,  except  perhaps  Siliuj,  minor 
figures  (speeches  of  from  one  to  three  lines  are  not  counted).  Ti- 
berius has  one  speech  of  sixty  lines,  two  of  forty-five,  two  of  thirty- 
five,  one  of  thirty,  one  of  twenty-five  ;  Sejanus  has  six  of  twenty 
lines,  three  of  twenty-four,  one  of  thirty-three,  two  of  thirty-seven, 
one  of  forty-two.  There  are  a  number  of  other  speeches  of  more 
thin  twenty  lines.  Roughly  speaking,  about  a  thousand  lines,  prac- 
tically a  third  of  the  play,  are  in  speeches  of  from  twenty  to  sixty 
lines.  I  have  not  included  the  speeches  of  fifteen  to  twenty  lines, 
nor  the  long  letter  in  v,  viii. 


against  Tiberius.  The  execution  of  the  first  is  a  step  to 
that  of  the  second,  yet  Sejanus  necessarily  conducts  both 
at  the  same  time.  Unity  of  impression  demands  that 
the  various  steps  in  these  two  intrigues  be  kept  before 
the  reader  in  their  proper  relation,  and  the  maintenance 
of  such  a  relation  in  turn  demands  that  the  emphasis  be 
placed  consistently  upon  the  course  taken  by  Sejanus. 

Certainly  there  is  no  doubt  that  Sejanus  is  properly 
emphasized,  so  far  as  the  first  plot  is  concerned.  But 
from  the  middle  of  the  play  to  the  end,  the  emphasis 
is  placed  on  the  counter-plot  against  him,  and  he  be- 
comes in  the  main  a  purely  passive  figure.  To  be  sure, 
the  progress  of  his  plot  against  Tiberius  is  constantly 
hinted  at,  but  it  is  not  worked  out.  There  is  indeed  no 
room  for  its  development.  So  much  has  been  devoted  to 
the  first  plot  that  the  second,  involving  as  it  necessarily 
does  the  counter-intrigue  of  Tiberius  and  Macro,  must, 
in  the  slow  and  tortuous  manner  that  Jonson  has  adopted, 
be  incompletely  shown.  There  seems  to  be  a  real  fail- 
ure in  proportion,  with  the  result  of  a  shift  of  emphasis 
in  the  middle  of  the  play.  In  the  first  part  stress  is  laid 
upon  the  line  of  action  diligently  pursued  by  Sejanus, 
in  the  second  upon  that  pursued  by  Tiberius  through 
his  agent  Macro.  Tiberius  disappears  from  the  scene, 
and  Macro,  introduced  at  the  end  of  the  third  act,  be- 
comes the  active  figure  and  occupies  almost  as  much 
space  in  the  canvas  as  the  minister  himself. 

Again,  too  much  space  is  devoted  to  preparation,  too 
little  to  action.  After  the  interview  with  Eudemus, 
Sejanus  seduces  Livia,  and  the  plot  against  Drusus  is 
concocted.  Of  the  execution  of  the  plot,  dramatically 


xlvi  ^Introduction 

more  important  than  the  planning,  we  are  informed 
only  by  hearsay.  Many  scenes  prepare  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  family  of  Agrippina,  but  that  catastrophe 
comes  upon  the  stage  only  in  the  meeting  of  Arruntius 
and  Lepidus  with  Nero  and  the  interview  of  Macro 
with  Caligula.  The  eye  of  the  spectator  is  constantly 
stimulated,  so  to  speak,  by  a  perspective  of  action  to  the 
end  of  which  it  is  not  allowed  to  penetrate. 

A  third  point  may  be  illustrated  by  the  trial  of  Silius. 
The  removal  of  that  nobleman  is  merely  incidental  to 
the  overthrow  of  Agrippina,  and  is  important  only  as 
it  renders  easier  the  accomplishment  of  that  end.  Yet, 
so  far  as  the  dramatic  impression  goes,  his  trial  is  treated 
as  though  it  were  the  climax  of  the  play,  a  proceeding 
hardly  justified  by  the  fact  that  it  does  help  to  create 
historical  atmosphere  and  explain  the  character  of  Tibe- 
rius. Furthermore,  why  should  the  trial  of  Cordus  be 
introduced  ?  And  lastly,  even  Gifford  admits  that  the 
play  ends  badly,  that  is,  that  it  is  prolonged  beyond  the 
proper  point.1 

Ill 

About  1600  the  historical  drama  flourished  with 
greater  vigor  than  it  has  since.  The  Elizabethans  de- 
manded action  above  all,  and  the  records  of  the  past 
furnished  an  extensive  store  of  plots  and  incidents. 
Every  writer  was  freely  conceded  the  right  of  hand- 

1  Castelain,  Ben  jfonunt  p.  506,  goes  to  far  ai  to  insist,  speaking 
of  the  comedies,  that  Jonson  had  no  constructive  faculty,  and  that 
the  structural  excellence  of  The  Alchtmnt  was  a  happy  accident ; 
•  a  vrai  dire,  mcme  pour  un  Anglais,  il  com  poult  mal. ' 


3flntrotiuetion 

ling  these  in  the  manner  would  best  serve  him  with  his 
public,  and  the  natural  result  was  that  historical  matter 
of  every  sort  was  utilized  for  every  conceivable  purpose 
and  treated  in  every  conceivable  way. 

Up  to  the  time  of  Marlowe,  it  does  not  appear  that 
any  dramatist  who  dealt  with  historical  material  consid- 
ered that  material  as  at  all  different  from  any  other  that 
he  might  employ.  Bale  and  Preston  used  it  for  didactic 
and  controversial  purposes ;  Sackville  and  Norton  tried 
to  fashion  out  of  it  a  tragedy  after  Seneca  ;  in  the  Famous 
Victories  of  Henry  V  it  served  to  arouse  laughter  and 
tickle  national  pride.  On  every  hand  historical  material, 
or  what  passed  for  such,  as  in  the  case  of  Gorboduc, 
underwent  the  freest  treatment,  while  material  that  the 
writers  knew  was  not  historical  was  lavishly  introduced. 
Even  in  Marlowe's  Tamburlaine,  there  is  no  trace  of 
anything  that  we  should  call  the  historical  spirit.  That 
appears  first  in  his  series  of  chronicle-plays,  of  which  the 
last  is  Edward  II,  composed  apparently  about  1592.' 

In  Edward  II  Marlowe  handles  his  material  very 
freely  in  the  way  of  omissions,  changes  in  detail,  and  so 
on,  and  yet  some  motive  other  than  that  of  mere  altera- 
tion for  stage  purposes  seems  to  guide  him.  Edward  II 
was  a  weak  prince,  given  over  to  favorites  and  sur- 
rounded by  a  turbulent  nobility.  In  that  formula  lay  for 

1  I  assume  that  there  is  to-day  general  agreement  as  to  the  con- 
clusions of  Miss  Jane  Lee  with  regard  to  the  share,  apparently  the 
predominating  share,  of  Marlowe  in  the  First  Part  of  the  Conten- 
tion, the  True  Tragedy  of  Richard  Duke  of  Tort,  and  the  three 
parts  of  Henry  VI.  Mr.  Charles  Crawford,  Collectanea,  I,  79, 
states  that  he  is  prepared  to  prove  that  Marlowe  had  no  hand  in 
these  plays;  but  I  believe  that  he  has  not  yet  published  his  evidence. 


xlviii  ImtoDuctton 

Marlowe  the  key  to  the  events  of  1307-1327.  Nei- 
ther the  soundness  of  his  instinct  nor  the  excellence  of 
his  play  comes  here  into  question;  we  are  interested 
solely  in  the  fact  that  he  apparently  desired  to  get  be- 
low the  surface  of  events  and  elucidate  their  central  or 
binding  principle. 

Shakespeare  dealt  with  history  in  a  manner  perhaps 
directly  learned  from  Marlowe.  He  seems  indeed  in  his 
Roman  plays  to  have  conceived  his  figures  as  human 
beings  under  Roman  rule,  Jonson  to  have  tried  to  con- 
ceive his  as  distinctly  Romans.  It  is  true  enough  that 
in  Coriolanui  and  Julius  Caesar  Shakespeare  has  given 
expression  to  the  activity  of  deep-lying  historical  forces, 
in  the  one  case  the  struggle  between  patrician  and  ple- 
beian, in  the  other  between  a  devitalized  republicanism 
and  overshadowing  tyranny ;  yet  the  social  conflict  was 
surely  subordinate  to  human  personality  in  action,  and 
is  present  largely  because  Shakespeare's  insight  forbade 
him  to  depict  character  except  under  the  conditions  of 
its  development.  He  philosophized  history  for  dramatic 
reasons,  and  he  nowhere  attempts  to  do  more  than  give 
the  essence  of  the  situation  as  a  basis  for  human  action. 
But  merely  the  essence  of  the  situation  as  a  basis  for 
action  did  not  suffice  Jonson.  He  wished  to  present  not 
only  that,  but  a  picture  of  the  time  as  complete  in  detail 
as  the  paintings  of  a  Dutch  realist.  His  object  was  the 
production  of  a  '  Kulturbild,'  '  and  every  aspect  of  Ro- 

1  It  is  this  fact  that  explains  the  presence  of  scenes  that  are  in  his 
best  satirically  comic  vein  (Sejanus,  n,  i ;  Catiline,  n ) ,  and  that 
seemed  to  Dryden  (Ettay  of  Dramatic  Poesy)  '  of  an  ill  mingle  with 
the  rest.'  They  are  essential  elements  of  the  social  picture,  the 


3)ntroDuction  xlix 

man  daily  life  was  grist  to  his  mill  in  tragedy  as  in 
comedy.  Manners  were  as  much  the  subject  of  his 
attention  in  the  one  as  in  the  other,  and  if  the  phrase 
were  not  absurd,  we  might  go  so  far  as  to  call  Sejanus 
a  'tragedy  of  manners.'  r  At  least,  it  strongly  reminds 
us  of  Coleridge's  remarks  on  the  school  of  Pope  in  the 
Biographia  Liter  aria  „•  "I  saw  that  the  excellence  of 
this  kind  consisted  in  just  and  acute  observations  on  men 
and  manners  in  an  artificial  state  of  society,  as  its  mat- 
ter and  substance."  Thus  Jonson's  plays  are  mosaics, 
constructed  of  fragments  taken  from  this  writer  and  that 
and  fitted  together  with  admirable  literary  skill;  Shake- 
speare, on  the  other  hand,  rests  content  perhaps  with 
a  single  historical  authority.  Thus  Jonson  writes  his 
plays  with  a  distinctly  satirical  purpose,  whereas  Shake- 
speare desires  merely  to  depict  human  life.  Thus  Jon- 
son  is  deeply  influenced  by  Seneca,  writes  rhetorical 
tragedy,  and  his  plays  are  mines  of  classical  learning; 
Shakespeare  ignores  Seneca,  writes  tragedies  that  keep 
the  stage,  and  we  wonder  whether  he  could  read  his 
Plutarch  in  the  original.2 

completeness  of  which  Dryden  himself  recognizes  in  another  passage 
in  the  same  essay:  "  With  the  spoils  of  these  writers  he  so  repre- 
sents old  Rome  to  us,  in  its  rites,  ceremonies,  and  customs,  that  if 
one  of  their  poets  had  written  either  of  his  tragedies,  we  had  seen 
less  of  it  than  in  him."  He  is  more  Roman  than  the  Romans 
themselves. 

1  For  interesting  remarks,  with  which  I  cannot  wholly  agree,  as 
to  whether  Jonson,  'as  dramatist,  was  not  really  a  poet,  but  a 
painter,'  see  Castelain,  541,  and  the  passage  there  quoted  from 
Barrett  Wendell's  Temper  of  the  Seventeenth  Century  in  English 
Literature. 

3  "  Jonson  n'a  pas  donne  une  idee  aussi  exacte,  une  conception 


1  JmroDtimon 

So  historical  realism  first  enters  the  English  drama  — 
may  we  not  indeed  say  the  modern  drama  ?  —  with  Jon- 
son.  He  is  the  first  dramatist  to  "  take  away  the  liberty 
of  a  poet,  and  tetter  his  feet  in  the  shackles  of  an  his- 
torian." How  far  he  carries  this  realism  it  needs  but  a 
glance  at  such  scenes  as  in,  i,  and  v,  iv,  to  perceive. 
It  was  a  trait  fostered  by  the  whole  spirit  of  Latin  lit- 
erature, and  intimately  bound  up  with  his  own  satirical 
and  didactic  purpose. 

But  does  historical  realism  interfere  with  the  exercise 
of  the  historical  spirit  in  the  larger  sense  ?  Does  minute 
attention  to  detail  obstruct  the  clear  presentation  of  the 
forces  at  work  ?  How  far  is  Jonson's  picture,  not  merely 
realistic  but  true  ? 

In  Sejanus  are  mirrored  the  servility  of  most  of  the  no- 
bles, the  discontent  of  a  small  number  who  sigh  for  the 
'old  liberty,'  the  absolute  selfishness  of  the  courtiers, 
the  case  and  impunity  with  which  great  crimes  could  be 
committed,  a  head  of  the  state  given  over  to  unmen- 
tionable lusts,  in  short,  what  used  to  be  thought  of  as  the 
profound  decay  of  Roman  society.  With  the  same  all- 
embracing  learning  which  made  him  'special  en  tout 
genre,'  Jonson  treated  this  one.  Hardly  a  minor  inci- 
dent, hardly  a  speech  is  there,  which,  whether  original 
or  not  with  Jonson,  does  not  find  its  warrant  in  con- 
temporary authority.  One  gets  from  him  quite  as 

ausgi  nettc  du  monde  remain  que  Shakespeare,  avec  toutcs  set  fautes 
et  tout  set  anachronismcs.  Le  classique  Jonson  a  reproduit  le  cos- 
tume, 1'enveloppe  exterieure  du  vrai  Romain,  le  romantiquc  Shake- 
speare a  mieux  sonde  Tame  romaine  et  nous  1'a  mieux  fait  con- 
naitre."  Charlanne,  L' Influence  Franfaite  en  Angleterre  an 
Siecle,  »67. 


JlntroDuction  H 

vivid  a  picture  of  the  state  of  society  as  from  Tacitus 
and  Juvenal. 

Obviously  one  must  not  speak  too  strongly.  Jonson 
was  a  professed  satirist,  who  drew  his  material  in  the 
main  from  satirical  writers,  and  this  fact  alone  would 
make  us  suspect  exaggeration.  Indeed  we  know  to-day 
that  Roman  society,  even  in  the  time  of  Sejanus,  was 
hardly  so  corrupt  as  our  ancestors  thought  it,  that  Lucul- 
lus,  Apicius,  Vitellius,  the  Golden  House  of  Nero,  in 
sum,  the  names  and  incidents  that  have  in  the  past 
been  regarded  as  typical  of  Rome's  social  decay,  of 
her  prodigality  and  luxury,  were  doubtless  in  reality 
somewhat  exceptional,  that  the  standard  by  which 
her  moralists  and  satirists  condemned  her  was  different 
from  ours,  more  rigid  frequently,  and  in  some  ways  based 
upon  a  false  conception  of  social  and  economic  forces. 
We  know  too  that  luxury  has  attained  a  greater  absolute 
and  perhaps  even  relative  height  in  modern  times  than 
ever  during  antiquity,  and  that  there  have  been  later 
periods  than  the  Roman  in  which  the  corruption  of 
morals  and  manners  has  been  doubtless  at  least  as  great. 
We  know  that  there  must  have  been  within  the  Roman 
state  some  magazine  of  social  strength  upon  which  it 
could  draw  for  sustenance  and  cohesion.1 

Yet  our  knowledge  of  these  facts  rests  on  a  founda- 
tion laid  since  Jonson' s  day.  It  rests  on  the  accumulated 
results  of  decade  on  decade  of  diligent  historical  study, 
upon  the  maintenance  of  a  point  of  view  attained  only 
through  trial  after  trial  of  misleading  paths,  and  upon 

1  Friedlaender,  Sittengeschichte  Roms ;  Dill,  Roman  Society  from 
Nero  to  Marcus  Aurclius. 


lii  3]ntroDuctton 

a  conception  of  human  life  and  progress  that  three 
centuries  ago  came  barely  within  the  circle  of  the  most 
extravagant  speculation.  By  no  possibility  could  any 
Elizabethan  have  come  to  such  conclusions.  Accuracy 
for  Jonson  consisted  necessarily  in  the  reproduction  of 
Tacitus  and  the  satirists,  as  faithfully  as  conditions  of  dra- 
matic presentation  would  permit.  And  even  for  us  his 
inaccuracy  lies,  not  in  any  perversion  of  the  truth,  but 
solely  in  an  unavoidable  deepening  in  tone  of  the  whole 
picture. 

In  some  slight  degree,  perhaps,  this  exaggeration 
may  have  had  a  different  cause.  As  a  professed  satirist 
and  censor  of  morals,  Jonson  doubtless  r.ead  history 
with  an  eye  upon  the  busy  London  life  about  him.1 
When  he  read  the  words  put  by  Sallust  into  the  mouth 
of  Catiline  about  the  ever-growing  luxury  of  the  Roman 
nobles,  it  would  be  natural  for  him  to  remember  that 
within  his  own  lifetime  the  wealth  of  England  had  in- 
creased remarkably  and  with  it  the  scale  of  living.  Per- 
haps in  no  century  has  English  life  undergone  a  greater 
change  than  from  i  5  50-1 660.  It  was  a  period  of  great 
wealth  and  great  expenditure,  of  rapid  revolution  in 
fashion,  of  the  introduction  of  new  forms  of  enjoyment, 
of  tearing  down  old  castles  and  erecting  in  their  stead 
great  mansions,  of  spending  fortunes  in  making  a  so- 
cial figure,  features  of  the  time  which  he  has  abundantly 
illustrated  in  his  comedy.2  Nor  were  there  lacking 

1  Doe*  he  not  practically  admit  thit  when  he  lays  in  the  extract 
quoted  from  Tkt  Magnetic  Lady  that  he  continued  "  in  alt  hit  plays, 
.  .  .  some  rtctnt  humours  still,  or  manners  of  men,  that  ivtnt 
along  tvitk  tkt  timtt ' '  f  The  italics  are  mine. 

*  See  Dray  ton,  Polyolbion,  xvi,  340  ff. 


31ntroDuction  liii 

minor  parallels.  The  conspiracy  of  Essex  might  be  dis- 
tantly compared  to  that  of  Sejanus  or  Catiline.  The 
needy  soldiers  of  Sylla  found  their  descendants  in  the 
numerous  army  of  poor  soldiers  that  begged  on  the  Lon- 
don streets.  If  the  Senate  burned  books,  so  did  Parlia- 
ment. Elizabeth  and  James  lacked  neither  flatterers 
nor  favorites.  Above  all,  society  seemed  to  become 
more  and  more  corrupt  with  the  rapid  departure  from 
the  older  ideals  of  English  life.  That  Jonson  should 
have  felt  it  worth  while  to  point  a  moral  for  his  own 
time,  and  to  point  it  sharply,  is  not  difficult  to  believe. 
Allowances  must  then  be  made  before  we  can  call 
Jonson's  pictures  of  Roman  society  faithful  to  the  orig- 
inal. Making  these  allowances,  however,  we  may  say 
that  they  are  truthful  and  vivid  studies  of  two  epochs  in 
Roman  life.1  Far  from  confounding  the  characteristics 
of  the  two,  Jonson  has  kept  them  distinctly  apart.  The 
vices  and  the  crimes  of  the  one  are  not  the  vices  and 
the  crimes  of  the  other.  A  conspiracy  like  that  of  Cat- 

1  "  Take  it  [Catiline]  and  Sejanus,  as  compositions  of  a  particu- 
lar kind,  namely,  as  a  mode  of  relating  great  historical  events  in 
the  liveliest  and  most  interesting  manner,  and  I  cannot  help  wishing 
that  we  had  whole  volumes  of  such  plays.  We  might  as  rationally 
expect  the  excitement  of  the  Vicar  of  Wakefield  from  Goldsmith's 
History  of  England,  as  that  of  Lear,  Othello,  Sec.  from  the  Sejanus 
or  Catiline."  Coleridge,  Works,  iv,  193.  In  other  words,  Jonson 
fulfills  here  Boissier's  ideal :  "  Une  table  des  matieres,  contenant  les 
principaux  faits,  relates  a  leur  date,  avec  un  renvoi  aux  dissertations 
savantes  qui  les  ont  elucides,  ne  ferait  pas  notre  affaire.  Nous  sou- 
haitons  qu'on  nous  en  donne  le  spectacle,  nous  voulons  les  voir  ;  or, 
c'est  veritablement  un  art,  le  plus  rare,  le  plus  precieux  peut-etre  de 
tous  les  arts,  que  de  savoir  leur  rendre  la  vie  ;  d'ou  ilsuit  qu'un  his- 
torien,  en  meme  temps  qu'un  savant,  a  besoin  d'etre  un  artiste." 
Tacite,  60-6 1. 


liv  jlmroDurrion 

iline  would  not  have  had  the  least  chance  of  success 
under  the  closely  organized  rule  of  Tiberius.  Under 
the  latter,  there  was  only  an  opportunity  for  court 
intrigue  ;  the  court,  not  society  at  large,  is  the  centre  of 
interest,  and  the  whole  tone  of  Sejanus  as  compared  with 
that  of  Catiline,  is  true  to  the  passage  from  a  republic 
to  a  tyranny. 

Society  too  is  more  degenerate  in  the  later  period  ; 
"nihil  prisci  et  integri  moris"  is  the  lament  of  Taci- 
tus. However  widespread  indeed  had  been  the  vices 
of  the  republic,  there  had  yet  existed  a  soundness  of 
thought  and  feeling  that  made  it  possible  to  save  the 
state.  Cato  was  still  alive.  A  hundred  years  later  it  is 
a  question,  not  of  saving  the  state,  but  of  changing  em- 
perors,1 and  the  appeal  is  made,  not  to  virtue  and 
patriotism,  but  to  purely  selfish  motives.  The  nobles 
have  become  flatterers  ;  the  saving  remnant  is  gradually 
exterminated ;  the  delator  has  come  into  being.  Self- 
seeking,  flattery,  servility,  cowardice,  are  the  striking 
features  of  public  life.  Jonson  has  caught  the  difference 
between  the  two  epochs  of  Roman  history. 

From  the  point  of  view  then  of  harmonizing,  so  far 
as  the  knowledge  of  his  day  permitted,  these  two  things, 
historical  realism  and  the  historical  spirit,  Jonson  pro- 
duced in  Sejanus,  and  for  that  matter  in  Catiline  also, 
a  masterpiece  ;  each  is  the  achievement  of  a  great  his- 
torian. Unfortunately,  his  dramatic  method  was  unsuit- 
ed  to  his  purpose,  for  the  old  method  of  Seneca  and  the 
Greeks  obviously  cannot  be  successfully  employed  with 

1  Tacitus,  Hittarits,  II,  38  :  et  nunquam  postea  nisi  de  princi- 
patu  quaesitum. 


3flntrotmetion  lv 

a  purely  realistic  design.  Tiberius  surrounded  by  a 
chorus  of  Roman  nobles,  chanting  over  his  intimate  plans 
in  melodious  verse!  Jonson  felt  that  absurdity  and 
made  the  best  of  the  case  by  inserting  the  group  of  Ar- 
runtius,  Sabinus,  Lepidus,  and  Silius.  They  fulfill  some 
of  the  functions  of  a  chorus,  mingling  in  the  plot 
and  commenting  on  it  for  the  spectator's  benefit.  True, 
their  prominence  means  loss  of  dramatic  action  as  we 
think  of  it,  but  dramatic  action  as  such  he  did  not  re- 
gard as  an  end  in  itself.  What  he  did  try  to  do  was  to 
cast  material,  toward  which  he  felt  a  scrupulous  duty  of 
accurate  representation,  into  a  form  approximating  as 
closely  as  conditions  permitted  that  of  older  tragedy. 
Necessarily  there  resulted  a  conflict  between  historical 
realism  and  the  traditional  conception  of  tragic  form. 

This  scrupulosity  of  artistic  conscience  involved  him 
in  further  dramatic  difficulties.  The  part  of  Tacitus  deal- 
ing with  the  later  stage  of  Sejanus's  conspiracy  is  lost. 
Dio,  who  forms  Jonson' s  principal  authority  for  that 
portion  of  the  play,  gives  us  little  of  the  information 
we  have  already  pointed  out  as  desirable.  Hence  Jonson 
could  not  give  to  Sejanus  a  more  active  role  without  add- 
ing more  than  he  thought  himself  justified  in  doing.1 
In  other  words,  his  desire  to  be  historically  accurate 
prevents  him  from  giving  to  the  figure  of  Sejanus  in  the 

1  The  only  suggestion  we  have  in  the  play  as  to  the  exact  steps 
Sejanus  intended  to  take  are  in  u,  ii,  ad  Jin.,  where  he  apparently 
intends  to  make  Tiberius  so  hated  as  to  excite  an  uprising,  then  sacri- 
fice him  to  the  people's  rage,  and  ride  to  supreme  power  on  a  wave 
of  popular  favor.  The  measures  he  takes  in  v,  iv,  are  merely  ex- 
temporized measures  of  self-protection,  and  the  attack  of  Tiberius 
really  finds  him  quite  unprepared. 


Ivi  IntroDttmon 

latter  part  the  needed  strength  and  energy,  and  it  is  for 
this  reason  that  Sejanus  becomes  a  passive  figure,  and 
that  we  have  the  shift  of  emphasis  earlier  remarked. 

Inclining  to  the  didacticism  of  tragedy,  Jonson  also 
stood  in  contrast  to  the  generality  of  his  competitors. 
The  writer  of  chronicle  history,  for  example,  wished 
only  to  interest  his  public.  If  he  had  any  lesson  to  teach, 
it  was  of  the  greatness  and  glory  of  the  English  nation, 
a  lesson  of  patriotism.  But  even  this,  we  may  suspect, 
was  only  by  the  way.  In  the  main,  his  desire  was  to  sup- 
ply dramatic  amusement,  and  he  made  use  of  history 
because  that  was  in  public  favor.  To  be  sure,  we  may 
occasionally  discover  a  tendency  in  his  work,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  play  of  Sir  John  Oldcastle,  apparently  a  Pur- 
itan protest  against  the  character  of  Falstaffe,  to  whom 
Shakespeare  had  at  first  given  the  name  of  Oldcastle ;  it 
is  true  that  occasionally  his  work  was  made  to  serve  a 
more  markedly  partisan  aim,  as  in  the  performance  of 
the  play  of  Richard  II  (whether  Shakespeare's  or  not) 
just  before  the  rebellion  of  the  Earl  of  Essex;  it  is  true 
that  the  chronicle  history  was  violently  anti-Spanish, 
anti-Catholic.  But  these  facts  cannot  be  made  to  show 
that  it  was  didactic.  That  it  incidentally  taught  the 
people  a  rude  kind  of  history  is  doubtless  true;  we  have 
no  reason  to  believe,  however,  that,  more  than  any  other 
kind  of  drama,  it  taught  them  morals. 

So  with  the  historical  drama  treating  foreign  themes. 
It  was  occasionally  a  semi-controversial  weapon,  as  in 
Barnes'  DeviTs  Charter,  a  highly  colored  melodrama 
of  the  lives  and  crimes  of  the  Borgias.  Chapman's  his- 
torical plays,  too,  though  not  didactic  as  regards  the 


31nttoDuction  ivii 

action  and  characters,  were  markedly  so  in  respect  to 
the  profusely  sententious  and  reflective  dialogue.  In  gen- 
eral, however,  the  Elizabethan  playwright  dramatized 
history  for  stage  purposes  alone,  and  troubled  himself  little 
about  the  lessons  drawn  from  his  work  by  the  public,  so 
long  at  least  as  they  were  not  such  as  to  get  him  into  the 
law's  disfavor.  If  his  play  exerted  a  moral  influence,  it 
was  only  as  every  work  of  art  does,  by  being  true  to 
life. 

And  thus  in  conclusion  we  might  return  to  the  ear- 
lier comparison  of  Jonson's  tragedies  and  comedies,  and 
say  that  the  dramatic  faults  of  both  are  in  some  measure 
due  to  the  same  cause,  namely,  that  he  wrote  so  often 
with  an  extra-dramatic  purpose.  Sometimes,  even  in  the 
best  of  his  comedies,  he  will  use  a  stage  figure  as  the 
mere  mouthpiece  of  his  own  strictures  on  society ;  his 
characters,  that  is,  sometimes  speak  out  of  character 
through  the  overmastering  desire  on  the  part  of  their 
creator  to  rebuke  vice  and  folly.  It  is  hardly  straining 
a  point  to  feel  that  Sabinus,  Lepidus,  Arruntius,  in  the 
play  before  us  sometimes  give  utterance  to  sentiments 
that  are  Jonson's  rather  than  their  own,  and  his  obvious 
desire  to  embody  a  moral  shows  clearly  that  he  did  not 
write  with  an  eye  single  to  the  stage  ;  it  was  certainly 
no  dramatic  purpose  ;hat  gave  rise  to  the  last  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  lines.  Unfortunately,  the  drama  judges 
by  conformity  to  dramatic  requirements,  and  when  these 
are  violated  makes  little  allowance  for  encyclopedic  learn- 
ing, extraordinary  industry,  force  and  vigor  of  language, 
depth  of  thought,  minute  analysis  of  character,  profound 
moral  sense,  or  high  artistic  ideals.  Such  qualities  will 


iviii  Introduction 

ensure  a  permanent  place  in  literature,  but  not  permanent 
possession  of  the  stage. ' 

1  I  had  intended  to  discuss  the  question  of  the  influence  exerted  on 
later  seventeenth-century  tragedy  by  Ben  Jonson,  but  space  forbids. 
In  the  notes  are  included  a  small  number  of  passages,  especially 
from  Wilson's  Andronicut  Comneniui,  that  seem  to  have  found  their 
origin  in  Sejanut.  A  considerable  mass  of  similar  material,  not  all  of 
it  so  striking,  remains  to  be  studied.  I  hope  to  be  able  to  deal  with 
some  of  it  more  at  length. 


THE   TEXT 

It  was  originally  proposed  that  this  volume  should  include  both 
Catiline  and  Sejanus.  As,  however,  Jonson's  own  notes  to  Sejanut 
could  not  be  omitted,  nor  a  satisfactory  notion  of  his  methods  of 
writing  tragedy  be  conveyed  without  frequent  display  of  the  material 
employed,  and  as,  moreover,  some  explanation  of  Roman  usages, 
social  and  other,  seemed  necessary,  it  was  decided  that  but  one  play 
could  be  treated  within  the  assigned  limits. 

The  following  texts  have  been  collated  :  Q  (Quarto  1 605)  ;  F 
(Folio  1616.  Of  this  edition  I  have  seen  three  copies:  one  belong- 
ing to  Mr.  Otto  Miller  of  Cleveland;  one,  FH,  belonging  to  the 
Harvard  Library;  one,  FP,  to  Professor  Phelps  of  Yale;  there 
are  a  number  of  important  differences  which  have  been  carefully 
noted,  but  such  minor  disagreements  in  punctuation,  etc.,  as  do  not 
affect  the  text  are  omitted)  ;  Fa  (Folio  1640)  ;  F$  (Folio  1692); 
A  (1716)  ;  W  (Whalley  1756);  C  (1811  reprint  of  Whalley); 
G  (Gifford  1816). 

The  aim  has  been  to  give  an  accurate  reproduction  of  F  except 
typographically.  The  use  of  u's,  v's,  i's,  j's,  and  long  s's  is 
modernized,  and  the  marginal  matter  is  rearranged  :  a  few  comments 
remain  in  the  margin  in  small  italics,  but  everything  that  could  be 
interpreted  as  stage-direction  is  drawn  into  the  text.  All  other  inten- 
tional variations  from  F  are  noted  as  they  occur  ;  they  are  very  few, 
as  emendation  has  been  avoided  on  Uncle  Toby's  principle  that  in 
mending  the  sense  one  runs  great  danger  of  spoiling  the  letter. 

Jonson's  own  notes,  which  are  placed  among  those  of  the  editor, 
are  found  in  Q,  but  not  in  the  Folios  or  A.  Gifford  was  the  first  to 
reproduce  them  as  a  whole,  though  Whalley  made  occasional  use 
of  them.  One  or  two  are  found  in  the  Folios  as  marginal  notes. 
Gifford  occasionally  misprints  and  omits,  but  no  collation  is  given. 

The  variant  readings  are  selective  merely.  Most  misprints  are  not 
noticed,  except  when  occurring  in  F.  The  following  classes  of  vari- 
ants are  omitted  :  differences  in  spelling  and  punctuation,  except 
where  the  text  is  directly  affected  ;  expansions  (usually  originating 


with  Giffbrd)  like  '  who  is '  for  '  who'i,'  '  to  erect '  for  '  t'erect,' 
'  you  are  '  for  '  yo'  are  '  j  insertion  of  e  in  the  past  participle  and  in 
forms  like  miniaring,  whispring,  offering,  etc. ;  the  regular  modern- 
ization of  forms  like  itrookt  (struct),  then  (than),  ivhtthtr  (jii- hither)-^ 
differences  like  inough,  enough,  intreat,  tntreat,  imbratt,  embrace, 
which  teem  no  more  than  mere  difference*  of  spelling.  The  vari- 
ant! are  usually  spelled  as  in  the  editions  in  which  they  first  occur, 
but  there  are  perhaps  a  few  violations  of  this  rule. 

GirTord  was  the  first  to  divide  into  scenes,  and  his  division  is 
generally  followed.  Frequent  use  is  made  of  his  stage-directions  with- 
out acknowledgment. 


S  E  I  A  N  V  S 

his 

FALL 


Afted ,  in  the  yeere  i  6  o  5. 
By  the  K.  MAI  E  STIES 

SERVANTS. 


The  Author  B.  I. 


MART. 

.  Ken  hie  CtatauTOSjnon  Cargonas,  Hirpyitfa 
ln»cniei:HoHuncm  ptgintaoftrt  jtftt. 


LONDON, 
Printed  by  WILLIAM  STAN  SB  y^ 

M.    DC.    XVI. 


TO  THE  NO  LESSE 

NOBLE,  BY  VERTUE, 

THEN  BLOUD : 

ESME 

L.    AUBIGNY. 

My  Lord, 

If  ever  any  ruine  were  so  great,  as  to  survive ;  I  thinke 
this  be  one  I  send  you  :  The  Fal  of  Sejanus.   //  is  a  poeme, 
that  (if  I  well  remember)  in  your  Lo.  sight,  suffered  no 
lesse  violence  from  our  people  here,  then  the  subject  of  it     5 
did  from  the  rage  of  the  people  of  Rome  ;  but,  with  a  dif- 
ferent fate,  as  (I  hope)  merit:  For  this  hath  out-liv  d  their 
malice,  and  begot  it  3 elf e  a  greater  favour  then  he  lost,  the 
love  of  good  men.    Amongst  whom,  if  I  make  your  Lo. 
the  first  it  thankes,  it  is  not  without  a  just  confession  of  the   10 
bond  your  benefits  have,  and  ever  shall  hold  upon  me. 
Your  Lo.  most  faithfull  honorer, 

BEN.  JONSON. 

To  the  .  .  .  Jonson.    Q,  C,  omit.    Fz,  etc.,  usually  expand  such 
contractions  as  Ld.  for  Lord,  etc. 
z  be.    A,  to  be. 


[TO  THE  READERS. 

The  following,  and  voluntary  Labours  of  my  Friends, 
prefix!  to  my  Booke,  have  releived  me  in  much,  whereat 
(  without  them  )  I  should  necessarilie  have  touchd  :  Now, 
I  will  onely  use  three  or  foure  short,  and  needfull  Notes, 
and  so  rest.  5 

First,  if  it  be  objected,  that  what  I  publish  is  no  true 
Poeme ;  in  the  strict  Lawes  of  Time.  I  confesse  it  :  as  also 
in  the  want  of  a  proper  Chorus,  whose  Habite,  and  Moodes 
are  such,  and  so  difficult,  as  not  any,  whome  I  have  seene 
since  the  Auntients,  (  no  not  they  who  have  most  presently  10 
affected  Lawes  )  have  yet  come  in  the  way  off.  Nor  is  it 
needful,  or  almost  possible,  in  these  our  Times,  and  to 
such  Auditors,  as  commonly  Things  are  presented,  to 
observe  the  ould  state,  and  splendour  of  Drammatick 
Poemes,  with  preservation  of  any  popular  delight.  But  15 
of  this  I  shall  take  more  seasonable  cause  to  ipeake;  in  my 
Observation  upon  Horace  his  Art  of  Poetry,  which  (  with 
the  Text  translated)  I  intend,  shortly  to  publish.  In  the 
meane  time,  if  in  truth  of  Argument,  dignity  of  Persons, 
gravity  and  height  of  Elocution,  fulnesse  and  frequencie  *> 
of  Sentence,  I  have  discharg'd  the  other  offices  of  a 
Tragifk  writer,  let  not  the  absence  of  these  Formes  be 
imputed  to  me,  wherein  I  shall  give  you  occasion  here- 
after (and  without  my  boast)  to  thinke  I  could  better 
prescribe,  then  omit  the  due  use,  for  want  of  a  convenient  »5 
knowledge. 

The  next  is,  least  in  some  nice  nostrill,  the  Quotations 
might  savour  affected,  I  doe  let  you  know,  that  I  abhor 
nothing  more;  and  have  onely  done  it  to  shew  my  integrity 

7*  ...   Rtadtn.  F,  Fi,  Fj,  A,  C  omit  these  two  page*. 
17   Obur-vation.    W,  G,  observations. 
29  have.    W,  G,  1  have. 


(Do  tl)f  ivffl&rrs  5 

in  the  Story,  and  save  my  selfe  in  those  common  Tortur-   30 
ers,  that  bring  all  wit  to  the  Rack:  whose  Noses  are  ever 
like  Swine  spoyling,  and  rooting  up  the  Muses  Gardens, 
and  their  whole  Bodies,  like  Moles,  as  blindly  working 
under  Earth  to  cast  any,  the  least,  hilles  upon  Venue. 

Whereas,  they  are  in  Latine  and  the  worke  in  English,    35 
it  was  presupposd,  none  but  the  Learned  would  take  the 
paynes  to  conferre  them,  the  Authors  themselves  being 
all  in  the  learned  Tongues,  save  one,  with  whose  English 
side  I  have  had  little  to  doe :  To  which  it  may  be  required, 
since  I  have  quoted  the  Page,  to  name  what  Editions  I  4° 
follow' d.    Tacit.  Lips,  in  4°.   Antwerp,  edit.   600.  Dio. 
Folio.  Hen.  Step  92.   For  the  rest,  as  Sueton.  Seneca.  &c. 
the  Chapter  doth  sufficiently  direct,  or  the  Edition  is  not 
varied. 

Lastly,  I  would  informe  you,  that  this  Booke,  in  all   45 
nubers,   is  not  the  same  with  that  which  was  acted  on 
the  publike  Stage,  wherein  a  second  Pen  had  good  share: 
in  place  of  which  I  have  rather  chosen,  to  put  weaker 
(and  no  doubt  lesse  pleasing)  of  mine  own,  then  to  de- 
fraud so  happy  a  Genius  of  his  right,  by  my  lothed  usur-   50 
pation. 

Fare  you  well.   And  if  you  read  farder  of  me,  and  like, 
I  shall  not  be  afraid  of  it  though  you  praise  me  out. 

Neque  enim  mihi  cornea  fibra  est. 

But  that  I  should  plant  my  felicity,  in  your  generall  say-   55 
ing  Good,  or  Well,  Sec.  were  a  weaknesse  which  the  better 
sort  of  you  might  worthily  contenme,  if  not  absolutely 
hate  me  for. 

BEN.  JONSON.  and  no  such. 

Sluem  Palma  negata  macrum,  donata  reducit  ofimum.] 
49  to.    W  omits. 


[IN  SEJANUM 
Ben.  JonsonI 

Et  Musis,  et  sibi 
in  Deliciis. 

So  brings  the  wealth-contracting  Jeweller 

Pear les  and  deare  Stones ',  from  richest  shores  & 

streamer, 
As  thy  accomplisht  Travaile  doth  confer 

From  skill-inriched  soules,  their  wealthier  Gems ; 
So  doth  his  hand  enchase  in  ammeld  Gould, 

Cut,  and  adornd  beyond  their  Native  Merits, 
His  solid  Flames,  as  thine  hath  here  inrould 

In  more  then  Goulden  Verse,  those  betterd  spirits ; 
So  he  entreasures  Princes  Cabinets, 

At  thy  Wealth  will  their  wished  Libraries ; 
So,  on  the  tbroate  of  the  rude  Sea,  he  sets 

His  ventrous  foote,for  his  illustrous  Prise; 
And  through  wilde  Desarts,  armd   with  wilder 
Beasts, 

As  thou  adventurst  on  the  Multitude, 

Tneie  commendatory  potmt  are  in  full  only  in  Q  ;  Fl  omiti  all  of 
them  ;  F,  Fj  print  tktm  in  part -at  tat  beginning  of  tkt  -volume. 
Parianti  are  given  only  from  F,  ming  Q  at  bout. 

In  Sejanum.  F,  Upon  Scjanus. 


<&ratulatorp 

Upon  the  boggy,  and  engulfed  brests  *5 

Of  Hy  re  lings,  sworne  to  finde  most  Right,  most 

rude  : 
And  he,  in  stormes  at  Sea,  doth  not  endure, 

Nor  in  vast  Desarts,  amongst  Woolves,  more  dan- 
ger ; 
Then  we,  that  would  with  Vertue  live  secure, 

Sustaine  for  her  in  every  Vices  anger.  zo 

Nor  is  this  Allegoric  unjustly  rackt, 

to  this  strange  length ;    Onely  that  Jewels  are, 
In  estimation  meerely,  so  exact : 

And  thy  worke,  in  it  selfe,  is  deare  and  Rare. 
Wherein  Minerva  had  beene  vanquished,  25 

Had  she,  by  it,  her  sacred  Loomes  advanc't, 
And  through   thy   subject  woven  her  graphicke 

Thread, 

Contending  therein,  to  be  more  entranc't ; 
For,  though  thy  hand  was  scarce  addrest  to  drawe 

The  Semi-circle  0/"Sejanus  life,  30 

Thy  Muse  yet  makes  it  the  whole  Sphtsre,  and 

Lawe 

To  all  State  Lives  :  and  bounds  Ambitions  strife. 
And  as  a  little  Brooke  creepes  from  his  Spring, 
With  shallow  tremblings,  through  the  lowest 

Fales, 

As  if  he  fear  d  his  streame  abroad  to  bring,  35 

Least  prophane  Feete  should  wrong  it,  and  rude 
Gales ; 


8 

But  finding  happy  Channels,  and  supplies 

Of  other  Fordes  mixe  with  his  modest  course, 
He  growes  a  goodly  River,  and  descries 

The  strength,  that  mannd  him,  since  he  left  his 

Source ;  40 

Then  takes  he  in  delightsome  Meades,  and  Groves, 

And,  with  his  two-edg'd  waters,  flourishes 
Before  great  Palaces,  and  all  Mens  Loves 

Build  by  his  shores,  to  greete  his  Passages  : 
So  thy  chaste  Muse,  by  vertuous  selfe-mistrust,          45 

Which  is  a  true  Marke  of  the  truest  Merit, 
In  Virgin  feare  of  Mens  illiterate  Lust, 

Shut  her  soft  wings,  and  durst  not  showe  her 

spirit ; 
Till,  nobly  cherish t,  now  thou  lett'st  her  flie, 

Singing  the  sable  Orgies  of  the  Muses,  50 

And  in  the  highest  Pitche  ^Tragedie, 

Mah'st  her  command,  al  things  thy  Ground  pro- 
duces. 
But,  as  it  is  a  Signe  of  Loves  first  firing, 

Not  Pleasure  by  a  lovely  Presence  taken, 
And  Bouldnesse  to  attempt ;  but  close  Retiring,  55 

To  places  desolate,  and  Fever-shaken  ; 
So,  when  the  love  of  Knowledge  first  affects  us, 

Our  Tongues  doe  falter,  and  the  Flame  doth  rove 
Through  our  thinne  spirits,  and  of  feare  detects  us 

T'attaine  her  Truth,  whom  we  so  truely  love.      60 
52-91  Mat' it  .   .   .  Dcgrtti.  F  omits. 


6ratulator^ 

Nor  can  (saith  Aeschilus)  a  faire  young  Dame 

Kept  long  without  a  Husband,  more  containe 
Her  amorous  eye,  from  breaking  forth  in  flame, 

When  she  beholds  a  Youth  that  fits  her  vaine  ; 
Then  any  mans  first  taste  of  Knowledge  truly  65 

Can  bridle  the  affection  she  inspireth  ; 
But  let  it  flie  on  Men,  that  most  unduly 

Haunt  her  with  hate,  and  all  the  Loves  she 

fireth. 
If  our  Teeth,  Head,  or  but  our  Finger  ake, 

IVe  straight  seeke  the  Phisitian  ;  If  a  Fever,         70 
Or  any  curefull  maladie  we  take, 

The  grave  Phisitian  is  desired  ever : 
But  if  proud  Melancholic,  Lunacie, 

Or  direct  Madnesse  over-heate  our  braines, 
IVe  Rage,  Beate  out,  or  the  Phisitian  flie,  75 

Loosing   with  vehemence,  even    the  sense  of 

Paines. 
So  of  Offenders,  they  are  past  recure, 

That  with  a  tyranous  spleene,  their  stings  extend 
Gainst  their  Reprovers  ;    They  that  will  endure 

All  discreete  Discipline,  are  not  said  f  offend.         80 
Though  others  qualified,  then,  with  Nat ur a II  skill, 

(More  sweete  mouthd,  and  affecting  shrewder 

wits) 
Blanche  Coles,  call  Illnesse,  good,  and  Goodnesse  ill, 

Breath  thou  the  fire,  that  true-spoke  Knowledge 
fits. 


io  aratulatorv  Urrsr 

Thou  canst  not  then  be  Great?  yes.    Who  is  he,       85 

(Said  the  good  Spartane  King)  greater  then  I, 
That  is  not  likewise  juster  ?  No  degree 

can  boast  of  emminence,  or  Emperie, 
(As  the  great  Stagerite  held)  in  any  One 

Beyond  Another,  whose  Soule  farther  sees,  .  90 

And  in  whose  Life  the  Gods  are  better  knowne : 

Degrees  of  Knowledge  difference  all  Degrees. 
Thy  Poeme,  therefore,  hath  this  due  respect, 

That  it  lets  passe  nothing,  without  observing, 
Worthy  Instruction ;  or  that  might  correct  95 

Rude  manners,  and  renowme  the  well  deserving  : 
Performing  such  a  lively  Evidence 

in  thy  Narrations,  that  thy  Hearers  still 
Thou  turnst  to  thy  Spectators ;  and  the  sense 

That  thy  Spectators  have  of  good  or  ill,  100 

Thou  inject* st  joyntly  to  thy  Readers  soules. 

So  deare  is  held,  so  deckt  thy  numerous  Taske, 
As  thou  putt'st  handles  to  the  Thespian  Boules, 

Or  stuckst  rich  Plumes  in  the  Palladia*!  Caske. 
All  thy  worth,  yet,  thyselfe  must  Patronise,  105 

By  quaffing  more  of  the  Castalian  Head ; 
In  expiscation  of  whose  Mysteries, 

Our  Netts  must  still  be  clogd,  with  heavy  Lead, 
To  make  them  sincke,  and  catche :  For  cheer efull 
Gould, 

Was  never  found  in  the  Pierian  Streames,  no 

93  Tky  .   .   .  hath.   F,  Baidci,  thy  Poeme  hath. 


<0ratulator£  ©eree  n 

But  Wants,  and  Scornes,  and  Shames  for  silver 
sould. 

What,  what  shall  we  elect  in  these  extreames  ? 
Now  by  the  Shafts  of  the  great  CYRRHAN  Poet, 

That  beare  all  light,  that  is,  about  the  world ; 
I  would  have  all  dull  Poet- Haters  know  it,  115 

They  shall  be  soule-bound,  and  in  darkenesse 

hurld, 
A  thousand  yeares,  (as  Sathan  was,  their  Syre) 

Ere  Any  worthy,  the  Poetique  Name, 
(Might  I,  that  warme  but,  at  the  Muses  fire, 

Presume  to  guard  /'/)  should  let  Deathless e  Fame  120 
Light  halfe  a  beame  of  all  her  hundred  Eyes, 

At  his  dimme  Taper,  in  their  memories. 
File,  jlie,  you  are  to  neare ;  so  odorous  Flowers 

being  held  too  neere  the  Sensor  of  our  Sense, 
Render  not  pure,  nor  so  sincere  their  powers,  125 

As  being  held  a  little  distance  thence  ; 
Because  much  troubled  Earthy  parts  improve  them  : 

Which  mixed  with  the  odors  we  exhall, 
Do  vitiate  what  we  drawe  in.   But  remoove  them 

A  little  space,  the  Earthy  parts  do  fall,  13° 

And  what  is  pure,  and  hote  by  his  tenuity  e, 

is  to  our  powers  of  Savor  purely  borne. 
But  flie,  or  staie  :  Use  thou  the  assiduitie, 

Fit  for  a  true  Contemner  of  their  scorne. 

Il8  Any  •worthy,  the.  F,  any,  worthy  the. 
127-158  Because  .    .    .  propagate.  F  omits. 


1 2 

Our  Phoebus  may,  with  his  exampling  Beames,       135 

Burne  out  the  webs  from  their  Arachnean  eyes, 
IVhose  Knowledge  (Day-star  to  all  Diadems?) 

Should  banish  knowledge-hating  Policies  : 
So  others,  great  in  the  Scientiall  grace, 

His  Chancelor,_/rf«/0r  of  all  humane  Skils  ;       140 
His  Treasurer,  taking  them  into  his  Place, 

Northumber,  that,  with    them,  his  Crescent 

//', 
Grave  Worc'ster,  in  whose  Nerves  they  guard 

their  fire, 

Northampton,  that  to  all  his  height  in  bloud, 
Heightens  his  soule,  with  them,  And  Devon- 
shire, 145 
In  whom  their  Streams,  ebd  to  their  Spring,  are 

Floud, 
Oraculous  Salisburie,  whose  inspired  voice, 

In  State  proportions,  sings  their  misteries, 
And  (though  last  Namd}  first,  in  whom  They  re- 

joyce, 

To  whose  true  worth,  They  vow  most  obsequies,  150 
Most  Noble  Suffolke,  who  by  Nature  Noble, 

And  judgement  vertuous,  cannot  fall  by  Fortune, 
Who  when  our   Hearde,  came  not  to  drinke,  but 

trouble 

The  Muses  waters,  did  a  Wall  importune, 
(Midst  of  assaults}  about  their  sacred  River  :          '55 
In  whose  behalfes,  my  poore  Soule,  (consecrate 


<S5ratulaton?  ©erse  13 

To  poorest  Vertue)  to  the  longest  Liver, 

His  Name,  in  spight  of  Death,  shall  propagate. 
O  could  the  World  but  feele  how  sweete  a  touch 
A  good  Deed  hath  in  one  in  love  with   Good- 

nesse,  i6e- 

(Jf  Poesie  were  not  ravished  so  much, 

And   her    composde    Rage,    held    the    simplest 

Woodnesse, 
Though   of  all  heates,  that  temper  humane  braines, 

Hers  ever  was  most  subtle,  high,  and  holy, 
First  binding  savadge  Lives,  in  civile  Chaines  :      165 

Solely  religious,  and  adored  solely, 
If  men  felt  this)  they  would  not  thinke  a  Love, 

That  gives  it  selfe,  in  her,  did  vanities  give  ; 
Who  is  (in  Earth,  though  lowe)  in  Worth  above, 
Most  able  f honour  Life,  though  least  to  live.       170 
And  so  good    Friend,  safe   passage    to    thy 

Freight, 
To  thee  a  long  Peace,  through  a  vertuous 

^  strife, 

In  which,  lets  both  contend  to  Vertues  height, 
Not  making  Fame  our  Object,  but  good  life. 

160  A   .   .    .    Goodnessc    F,  The  Knowledge  hath,  which  is  in 
love  with  goodnesse. 


14  (Sratulatorv  ttrrsr 

Come  forth  SEJANUS,  fall  before  this  Booke, 

And  of  thy  Falles  Reviver,  aske  forgivenesse, 
That  thy  lowe  Birth  and  Merits,  durst  to  looke 
A  Fortune  in  the  face,  of  such  unevennesse ; 
For  so  his  fervent  love  to  Vertue,  hates, 

That  her  pluckt  plumes  should  wing  Vice  to 

such  calling, 

That  he  presents  thee  to  all  marking  States, 
As  if  thou  hadst  beene  all  this  while  in  fall- 
ing. 
His   strong  Arme   plucking,  from   the   Midle- 

world, 
Fames  Brazen  House,  and  layes  her  Towre  as 

low, 

As  HOMERS  Barathrum ;  that,  from  Heaven  hurld, 
Thou   might'st  fall   on  it :   and  thy  Ruines 

growe 
To  all   Posterities,  from   his  worke,  the 

Ground, 

And  under  Heav'n,  nought  but  his  Song 
might  sound. 

HAEC  COMMENTATUS  EST 

Georgius  Chapmannus. 

1-14  Comi  .   .  .    iound   Omitted  by  F.   The  signature  u  merely 
Gtor.  Ckapman,  omitting  Hate,  etc. 


15 


For  his  worthy  Friend,  the  Author. 

In  that,  this  Booke  doth  deigne  SEJANU'S  name, 
Him  unto  more,  then  Ctssars  Love,  it  brings : 
For,  where  he  could  not  with  Ambition's 

wings, 
One  Quill  doth  heave  him  to  the  height  of 

Fame. 
Yee  great-Ones  though,  (whose  ends  may  be  the 

same,)  5 

Know,  that  (how  ever  we  do  flatter  Kings) 
Their  Favours  (like  themselves)  are  fading 

things, 
With  no  lesse  Envie  had,  then  lost  with 

Shame. 

Nor  make  your  selves  lesse  honest  then  you  are,  10 
To  make  our  Author  wiser  then  he  is  : 
Ne  of  such  Crimes  accuse  him,  which  I 

dare 
By  all  his  Muses  sweare,  be  none  of  his. 

The  Men  are  not,  some  Faults  may  be  these 

Times : 

He  acts  those  Men,  and  they  did  act  these 
Crimes.  15 

HUGH  HOLLAND. 

For  his.   F,  To  his,  etc.,  and  in  margin,  Upon  Sejanus. 


1 6  oVatulatorv  Orrsr 


To  the  deserving  Author. 

When  I  respect  thy  argument,  I  see 

An  Image  of  those  Times :  but  when  I  view 
The  wit,  the  workemanship,  so  rich,  so  true, 
The  Times  themselves  do  seeme  retriv'd  to  me. 
And  as  Sejanus,  in  thy  Tragedie, 

Falleth   from   Conors  grace ;  even   so  the 

Crew 
Of  common  Play-wrights,  whom  Opinion 

blew 

Big  with  false  greatnesse,  are  disgrac'd  by  thee. 
Thus,  in  one  Tragedie,  thou  makest  twaine  : 
And,  since  faire  workes  of  Justice  fit  the  part 

Of  Tragic k  writers,  Muses  doe  ordai tie- 
That  all  Tragedians,  Maisters  of  their  Arte, 
Who  shall  hereafter  follow  on  this  tract, 
In  writing  well,  thy  Tragedie  shall  acte. 

crGNUS. 

To  the  dtitrving.    Thii  and  the  remaining  commendatory  poem* 
are  omitted  by  F. 


«5ratulaton?  Wt  r0e  1 7 

To  bis  learned,  and  beloved  Friend^ 

upon  his  aequall  worke. 

SEJANUS,  great,  and  eminent  in  Rome, 

Rays'd  above  all  the  Senate,  both  in  grace 

Of  Princes  favour,  authority,  place, 

And  popular  dependance ;  yet,  how  soone, 

Even  with  the  instant  of  his  overthrowe,  5 

Is  all  this  Pride  and  Greatnesse  now  forgot, 

(Onely  that  in  Former  grace  he  stood  not) 

By  them  which  did  his  State,  not  Treason 

knowe ! 

His  very  Flatterers,  that  did  adorne 
Their  neckes  with  his  rich  Meddales,  now  in 

flame  10 

Consume  them,  and  would  loose  even  his  Name, 
Or  else  recite  it  with  reproach,  or  scorne ! 
This  was  his  Romane  Fate.    But  now  thy  Muse 
To  us  that  neither  knew  his  Height,  nor  Fall, 
Hath  rays'd  him  up  with  such  memoriall,  15 

All  future  States  and  Times  his  name  shall  use. 
What,  not  his  Good,  nor  111  could  once  extend 
To  the  next  Age,  thy  Verse,  industrious, 
And  learned  Friend,  hath  made  illustrious 
To  this.  Nor  shall  his,  or  thy  fame  have  end.      20 

Tb.  R. 


1 8  #ratulatorv  Urrsr 

Amitis,  amid  nostri  dignissimi,  dignissimis, 

Epigramma. 

D. 

JOHANNES  MARSTONIUS. 

YEE  ready  Friendes,  spare  your  unneedfull 

Bayes, 
This  worke  dispairefull  Envie  must  even  praise  : 

Phoebus   hath  voic'd  it,  loud,  through  ecchoing 

skies, 
SEJANUS  FALL  shall  force  thy  Merit  rise. 

For  never  English  shall,  or  hath  before  5 

Spoake  fuller  grac'd.    He  could  say  much,  not 
more. 


«5ratulator2  ©ewe  19 


Upon  SEJANUS. 

How  high  a  Poore  man  showes  in  low  estate 
Whose  Base  is  firme,  and  whole  Frame  com- 
petent, 

That  sees  this  Cedar,  made  the  Shrub  of  Fate, 
Th'on's  little,  lasting;  Th'others  confluence 

spent. 

And  as  the  Lightning  comes  behind  the  Thunder 
From  the  torne  Cloud,  yet  first  invades  our 

Sense, 

So  every  violent  Fortune,  that  to  wonder 
Hoists  men  aloft,  is  a  cleere  evidence 
Of  a  vaunt-curring  blow  the  Fates  have  given 
To  his  forst  state  :  swift  Lightning  blindes  his 

eyes, 

While  Thunder  from  comparison-hating  Heaven 

Dischargeth  on  his  height,  and  there  it  lyes : 

If  men  will  shun  swolne  Fortunes  ruinous  blastes, 

Let  them   use  Temperance.    Nothing  violent 

lastes. 

William  Stracbey. 


2o  ^ratulatorp  ©em 

To  him  that  hath  so  excelFd  on 
this  excellent  subject. 

Thy  Poeme  (pardon  me)  is  meere  deceat. 

Yet  such  deceate,  as  thou  that  dost  beguile, 
Are  juster  farre  then  they  who  use  no  wile : 
And  they  who  are  deceaved  by  this  feat, 
More  wise,  then  such  who  can  eschewe  thy  cheat.     5 
For  thou  hast  given  each  parte  so  just  a 

stile, 

That  Men  suppose  the  Action  now  on  file ; 
(And  Men  suppose,  who  are  of  best  conceal.) 
Yet  some  there  be,  that  are  not  moov'd 

hereby, 

And  others  are  so  quick,  that  they  will  spy  10 
Where  later  Times  are  in  some  speech  en  weav'd ; 
Those  wary  Simples,  and  these  simple  Elfes : 
They  are  so  dull,  they  cannot  be  deceav'd, 

These  so  unjust,  they  will  deceave  them- 
selves. 

<DIAOE. 


(Sratulaton?  *9er$e  21 


To  the  most  understanding  Poet. 

Whe  in  the  GLOBES  faire  Ring,  our  worlds  best 

Stage, 

I  saw  SejaniiS)  set  with  that  rich  foyle, 
I  look't  the  Author  should  have  borne  the 

spoile 

Of  conquest,  from  the  Writers  of  the  Age  : 
But  when  I  veiw'd  the  Peoples  beastly  rage, 
Bent  to  confound  thy  grave,  and  learned 

toile, 
That  cost  thee  so  much  sweat,  and  so  much 

oyle, 

My  indignation  I  could  hardly  'asswage. 
And  many  there  (in  passion)  scarce  could  tell 
Whether  thy  fault,  or  theirs  deserv'd  most 

blame ; 
Thine,  for  so  shewing,  theirs,  to  wrong  the 

same  : 

But  both  they  left  within  that  doubtfull  Hell. 
From  whence,  this  Publication  setts  thee 

free  : 

They,  for  their  Ignorance,  still  damned  bee. 

Ev.  B.] 


THE  ARGUMENT. 

Aelius  Sejanus,  tonne  to  Seius  Strabo,  a  gentleman  of 
Rome,  and  borne  at  Vulsinium,  after  bit  long  service  in 
cour^firtt,  under  Augustus;  afterward,  Tiberius :  grew 
into  that  favour  with  the  latter, and  won  him  by  those  artes, 
at  there  wanted  nothing,  but  the  name,  to  make  him  a  $ 
copartner  of  the  Empire.  Which  greatnetse  of  hit,  Drusus, 
the  Emperor t  tonne  not  brooking,  after  many  smother '  d 
ditliket  (  it  one  day  breaking  out )  the  Prince  ttrooke  him 
publikely  on  the  face.  To  revenge  luhicb  disgrace,  Li  via, 
the  wife  of  Drusus  (being  before  corrupted  by  him  to  her  10 
dishonour,  and  the  discovery  of  her  husbands  councells ) 
Sejanus  practiseth  with,  together  with  her  Pbysitian,  called 
Eudemus,  and  one  Lygdus,  an  Eunuch,  to  poyton  Drusus. 
Thit  their  inhumane  act  having  tuccessefull,  and  unsus- 
pected passage,  it  emboldeneth  Sejanus  to  farther,  &  more  '  5 
insolent  projects,  even  the  ambition  of  the  Empire :  where 
finding  the  left,  he  mutt  encounter,  to  be  many,  &  hard,  in 
respect  of  the  issue  of  German  icus  (  who  were  next  in  hope 
for  the  succession  )  be  deviseth  to  make  Tiberius  telfe,  bis 
meanes :  &  instill" s  into  bis  eares  many  doubts,  and  tut-  »o 
picions,  both  against  the  Prince  t,  and  their  mother  Agrip- 
pina:  which  Caesar  jealously  bearkning  to,  as  covetously 
consenteth  to  their  ruine,  and  their  friends.  In  this  time, 
the  better  to  mature  and  strengthen  bis  designe,  Sejanus 

19  for  tht  tueeeiiioii.  Q  omits.    Stt  note,  p.  aoi. 
24  Stjmut.    y,  FP,  Hee. 


^e  Argument  23 

labors  to  marry  Livia,  and  worketk  (  with  all  his  ingine  )   25 
to  remove  Tiberius  from  the  knowledge  of  publike  busi- 
nesse,   'with  allurements  of  a  quiet  and  retyred  life:  the 
latter  of  'which,  Tiberius  (  out  of  a  pronenesse  to  lust,  and 
a  desire  to  hide  those  unnaturall  pleasures,  'which  he  could 
not  so  publikely  practise  )  embraceth :  the  former  inkindleth   30 
his  feares,  and  there,  gives  him  first  cause  of  doubt,  or 
suspect  toward  Sejanus.     Against  'whom,  he  raiseth  (in 
private  )  a  new  instrument,  one  Sertorius  Macro,  and  by 
him    under-worketh,    discovers   the  others  counsells,    his 
meanes,  his  ends,  sounds  the  affections  of  the  Senators,    35 
divides,  distracts  them  :  at  last,  'when  Sejanus  least  looketh, 
and  is  most   secure  (  with  pretext  of  doing   him  an  un- 
wonted honour  in  the  Senate )  he  traines  him  from  his 
guardes,  and  with  a  long  doubtful!  letter,  in  one  day, 
hath    him  suspected,  accused,  condemned,  and   tome  in  40 
pieces,  by  the  rage  of  the  people. 

27  retyred.    Q,  seperated. 

32  to-war d.    F3,  etc.,  towards. 

39  a  long  doubtfull  letter,  in.    Q,  FP,  one  Letter,  &  in  one. 

41  peofle.  Q  adds  :  This  do  we  advance  as  a  marke  of  Terror 
to  all  Traytors,  &  Treasons  ,•  to  shewe  how  just  the  Heavens  are  in 
powring  and  thundring  downe  a  weighty  vengeance  on  their  unnat- 
ural intents,  even  to  the  worst  Princes  :  Much  more  to  those,  for 
guard  of  whose  Piety  and  Vertue,  the  Angels  are  in  continuall 
watch,  and  God  himselfe  miraculously  working. 


THE  PERSONS  OF  THE  PLAY. 


TIBERIUS. 


DRUSUS  w[nior]. 

NERO. 

DRUSUS  ju[nior]. 

CALIGCLA. 

'LUCIUS] 

'CAIUS]  Siuus. 

"TiTius]  SABINUS. 

'MARCUS]  LIPIDUS. 

'CREMUTIUS]  CORDUS. 

ASINIUS]  GALLUS. 
REGULUS. 
TERENTIUS. 
[GRACINUS]  LACO. 
EUDEMUI. 
Rurus. 


SEJANUS. 

LATIAUS. 

VARRO. 

[SERTORIUS]  MACRO. 

COTTA. 

[DOMITIUS]  A  FEE. 

HATERIUS. 

SANQUIMUI.. 

FOMPONIUS. 

[JULIUS]  POSTHUMUI. 

[FuLCiNius]  TRIO. 

MlNUTlUS. 

SATRIUS  [SECUNDUS] 
[PINNARIUS]  NATTA. 
Ortius. 


TRIBUNI. 


AGRIPPINA 


}LlVIA. 
SOSIA. 


PR  AGONES. 
FLAMEN. 
TUBICINES. 
NUNTIUI.                                    1 

LlCTORES. 
MlNlSTRI. 
TlBICINES. 

SERv[i,  etc.] 

The  Scene. 
Rome. 

The  Pertoni,  etc.   Q,  The  Names  of  the  Actors. 
Luciut.   Names  in  brackets  first  added  by  Gifford  for  reader's 
convenience,  for  Jonson  often  uses  either  name. 
Servi,  etc.   Q-C,  Servus. 
Rome.   Q  omits. 


ACT  I. 

[SCENE  I.   A  State  Room  in  the  Palace.~\ 

\_Enter\  Sabinus,  Silius,  [followed  by~\  Natta,  Latiaris, 
Cordus,  Satrius,  Arruntius,  Eudemus,  Haterius,  &c. 

Sabinus.   Haile,  Caius  Silius. 

Silius.  Titius  Sabinus,  Haile. 

Yo'are  rarely  met  in  court ! 

Sab.  Therefore,  well  met. 

Sil.  'Tis  true :  Indeed,  this  place  is  not  our 
sphaere. 

Sab.  No,  Silius,  wee  are  no  good  inginers; 
We  want  the  fine  arts,  &  their  thriving  use, 
Should  make  us  grac'd,  or  favour'd  of  the  times : 
We  have  no  shift  of  faces,  no  cleft  tongues, 
No  soft,  and  glutinous  bodies,  that  can  sticke, 
Like  snailes,  on  painted  walls ;  or,  on  our  brests, 
Creepe  up,  to  fall,  from  that  proud  height,  to 

which 
We  did  by  slaverie,  not  by  service,  clime. 

Sabinus.  Jonson,  where  the  first  speaker  is  the  first  person  named 
in  the  entrance,  never  prefixes  the  name  to  the  opening  speech. 
5  the.  A,  etc.,  their. 


26  £>r  fanu0  [ACT  i. 

We  are  no  guilty  men,  and  then  no  great ; 
We  have  nor  place  in  court,  office  in  state, 
That  we  can  say,  we  owe  unto  our  crimes : 
We  burne  with  no  black   secrets,  which  can 

make  15 

Us  deare  to  the  pale  authors ;  or  live  fear'd 
Of  their  still  waking  jealosies,  to  raise 
Our  selves  a  fortune,  by  subverting  theirs. 
We  stand  not  in  the  lines,  that  doe  advance 
To  that  so  courted  point. 

[Enter  Satrius  and  Nafta  at  a  distance.] 
Sil.  But  yonder  leane         ao 

A  paire  that  doe. 

(Sab.  [salutes  Latiaris~\.  Good  cousin  Latiaris.) 
.Sil.  Satrius  Secundus,  and  Pinnarius  Natta, 
The  great  Sejanus  clients :  There  be  two, 
Know  more,  then  honest  councells  :  whose  close 

brests 

Were  they  rip'd  up  to  light,  it  would  be  found    »5 
A  poore,  and  idle  sinne,  to  which  their  trunkes 
Had  not  beene  made  fit  organs.  These  can  lye, 
Flatter,  and  sweare,  forsweare,  deprave,  informe, 
Smile,  and  betray  ;  make  guilty  men ;  then  beg 
The  forfeit  lives,  to  get  the  livings  ;  cut  30 

Mens  throates  with  whisprings ;  sell  to  gaping 
sutors 

13  nor.   Fa,  etc.,  no.          ttatt.   G,  taste. 
30  (lit  livingt.  A,  etc.,  their  living*. 


27 

The  emptie  smoake,  that  flyes  about  the  Palace; 
Laugh,  when  their  patron  laughes ;  sweat,  when 

he  sweates ; 

Be  hot,  and  cold  with  him  ;  change  every  moode, 
Habit,  and  garbe,  as  often  as  he  varies ;  35 

Observe  him,  as  his  watch  observes  his  clocke ; 
And  true,  as  turkise  in  the  deare  lords  ring, 
Looke  well,  or  ill  with  him:  ready  to  praise 
His  lordship,  if  he  spit,  or  but  pisse  faire, 
Have  an  indifferent  stoole,  or  breake  winde  well,  40 
Nothing  can  scape  their  catch. 

Sab.  Alas  !  these  things 

Deserve  no  note,  confer'd  with  other  vile, 
And  filthier  flatteries,  that  corrupt  the  times  : 
When,  not  alone  our  gentries  chiefe  are  faine 
To  make  their  safety  from  such  sordide  acts,       45 
But  all  our  Consuls,  and  no  little  part 
Of  such  as  have  beene  Praetors,  yea,  the  most 
Of  Senators  (that  else  not  use  their  voyces) 

c  •  i_i-  o  i     L  •          Pcdarii. 

Start  up  in  pubhque  Senate,  and  there  strive 
Who  shall  propound  most  abject   things,  and 

base,  50 

37  ring.   A,  rings. 

43  flatteries.   Fa,  F3,  A,  Flatterers. 

Pedarii.  These  stage-directions  and  comments  are  printed  in  the 
Folio  in  fine  type  in  left  or  right  margin,  as  is  most  convenient.  In 
this  edition  the  marginal  comments  are  distinguished  by  smaller  italic 
type  from  the  marginal  stage-directions,  which  have  been  drawn  into 
the  text. 


28  £>rfanu* 

So  much,  as  oft  Tiberius  hath  beene  heard, 
Leaving  the  court,  to  crie,  6  race  of  men, 
Prepar'd  for  servitude  !  which  shew'd,  that,  he 
Who  least  the  publique  liberty  could  like, 
As  loathly  brook'd  their  flat  servilitie.  55 

Si/.  Well,  all  is  worthy  of  us,  were  it  more, 
Who  with  our  ryots,  pride,  and  civill  hate, 
Have  so  provok'd  the  justice  of  the  gods. 
We,  that  (within  these  fourescore  yeercs)  were 

borne 

Free,  equall  lords  of  the  triumphed  world,  60 

And  knew  no  masters,  but  affections, 
To  which  betraying  first  our  liberties, 
We  since  became  the  slaves  to  one  mans  lusts  ; 
And  now  to  many  :  every  ministring  spie 
That  will  accuse,  and  sweare,  is  lord  of  you,       65 
Of  me,  of  all,  our  fortunes,  and  our  lives. 
Our  lookes  arecall'd  to  question,  and  our  wordes, 
How  innocent  soever,  are  made  crimes ; 
We  shall  not  shortly  dare  to  tell  our  dreames, 
Or  thinke,  but  'twill  be  treason. 

Sab.  "  Tyrannes  artes  70 

"Are  to  give  flatterers,  grace  ;  accusers,  power; 
"That  those  may  seemc  to  kill  whom  they  de- 
voure. 

[Enter  Cor  dm  and  Arruntim.] 
Now  good  Crcmutius  Cordus. 

66  all.    F},  etc.,  omit  comm*. 


SCENE  I.]  £>efattU$  2Q 

Cordus,  [Salutes  Sabintis."]  Haile,  to  your  lord- 
ship ! 

Natta  [to  Latiaris'] .  Who's  that  salutes  your 
cousin  ?  They  whisper. 

Latiaris.  'Tis  one  Cordus, 

A  gentleman  of  Rome :  one,  that  has  writ  75 

Annal's  of  late,  they  say,  and  very  well. 
Nat.  Annal's  ?  of  what  times  ? 
Lot.  I  thinke  of  Pompei's, 

And  Caius  Caesars  ;  and  so  downe  to  these. 
Nat.  How  stands  h'affected   to  the  present 

state  ? 

Is  he  or  Drusian  ?  or  Germanican  ?  80 

Or  ours  ?  or  neutrall  ? 

Lat.  I  know  him  not  so  far. 

Nat.  Those  times  are  somewhat  queasie  to  be 

toucht. 

Have  you  or  scene,  or  heard  part  of  his  worke  ? 
Lat.  Not  I,  he  meanes  they  shall  be  publike 

shortly. 

Nat.  O.    Cordus  do  you  cal  him  ? 
Lat.  I. 

\_Exeunt  Natta  and  Satrius.] 

Sab.  But  these  our  times  85 

Are  not  the  same,  Arruntius. 

79  h" .  G,  he.  It  may  be  said  once  for  all  that  G  almost  invari- 
ably practises  this  expansion,  as  -well  as  the  for  th',  as  in  1.  88. 
No  further  notice  "will  be  taken  of  them  save  -where  other  considera- 


30  £>rfanu*  (ACTL 

Arruntius.  Times?  the  men, 

The  men  are  not  the  same :  'tis  we  are  base, 
Poore,  and  degenerate  from  th'exalted  streine 
Of  our  great  fathers.  Where  is  now  the  soule 
Of  god-like  Cato  ?  he,  that  durst  be  good,  90 

When  Caesar  durst  be  evill ;  and  had  power, 
As  not  to  live  his  slave,  to  dye  his  master. 
Or  where    the   constant    Brutus,   that    (being 

proofe 

Against  all  charme  of  benefits)  did  strike 
So  brave  a  blow  into  the  monsters  heart  95 

That  sought  unkindly  to  captive  his  countrie  ? 
O,  they  are  fled  the  light.  Those  mightie  spirits 
Lye  rak'd  up,  with  their  ashes  in  their  urnes, 
And  not  a  sparke  of  their  eternall  fire 
Glowes  in  a  present  bosome.  All's  but  blaze,     too 
Flashes,  and  smoke,  wherewith  we  labour  so, 
There's  nothing  Romane  in  us ;  nothing  good, 
Gallant,  or  great :  'Tis  true,  that  Cordus  say's, 
Brave  Cassias  was  the  last  of  all  that  race. 

Druiui  paisetb  by  [attended  by  Haterius,  etc.] 

Sab.  Stand  by,  lord  Drusus. 

Haterius.      Th'Emp'rours  son,  give  place.      105 

&7.  I  like  the  prince  well. 

Arr.  A  riotous  youth, 

There's  little  hope  of  him. 

Sab.  That  fault  his  age 

93  vokert,  Fi,  etc.,  where*!. 
Druim  .   .   .  by.    F,  by  U.  io$-o6. 


SCENE  I.]  $>efattUflf  31 

Will,    as    it  growes,  correct.  Me    thinkes,    he 

beares 

Himselfe,  each  day,  more  nobly  then  other : 
And  wins  no  lesse  on  mens  affections,  no 

Then  doth  his  father  lose.  Beleeve  me,  I  love 

him  j 
And  chiefly  for  opposing  to  Sejanus. 

Sil.  And  I,  for  gracing  his  yong  kinsmen  so, 
The  sonnes  of  Prince  Germanicus  :  It  shewes 
A  gallant  cleerenesse  in  him,  a  streight  minde,  115 
That  envies  not,  in  them,  their  fathers  name. 
Arr.  His  name  was,  while  he  liv'd,  above  all 

envie ; 

And  being  dead,  without  it.  O,  that  man  ! 
If  there  were  seedes  of  the  old  vertue  left, 
They  liv'd  in  him. 

Sil.  He  had  the  fruits,  Arruntius,no 

More  then  the  seedes  :  Sabinus,  and  my  selfe 
Had  meanes  to  know  him,  within;  and  can  re- 
port him. 
We    were    his    followers,    (he    would    call    us 

friends.) 

He  was  a  man  most  like  to  vertue' ;  In  all, 
And  every  action,  neerer  to  the  gods,  115 

Then  men,  in  nature ;  of  a  body'as  faire 
As  was  his  mind ;  and  no  lesse  reverend 

113  kinsmen.  Q,  kinsman. 
I  zj  reverend.   C,  reverent. 


32  £>efanti£f  [ACT  L 

In  face,  then  fame  :  He  could  so  use  his  state, 
Temp'ring  his  greatnesse,  with  his  gravitie, 
As  it  avoyded  all  selfe-love  in  him,  130 

And  spight  in  others.  What  his  funeralls  lack'd 
In  images,  and  pompe,  they  had  supply'd 
With  honourable  sorrow,  souldiers  sadnesse, 
A  kind  of  silent  mourning,  such,  as  men 
(Who  know  no  teares,  but  from  their  captives) 

use  13$ 

To  shew  in  so  great  losses. 

Cor.  I  thought  once, 

Considering  their  formes,  age,  manner  of  deaths, 
The  neerenesse  of  the  places,  where  they  fell, 
T'have  paralelPd  him  with  great  Alexander : 
For  both  were  of  best  feature,  of  high  race,        140 
Yeer'd  but  to  thirtie,  and,  in  forraine  lands, 
By  their  owne  people,  alike  made  away. 

Sab.  I  know  not,  for  his  death,  how  you  might 

wrest  it : 

But,  for  his  life,  it  did  as  much  disdaine 
Comparison,  with  that  voluptuous,  rash,  14$ 

Giddy,  and  drunken  Macedon's,  as  mine 
Doth  with  my  bond-mans.  All  the  good,  in  him, 
(His  valour,  and  his  fortune)  he  made  his; 
But  he  had  other  touches  of  late  Romanes, 
That  more  did  speake  him  :  Pompei's  dignitie,   150 
The  innocence  of  Cato,  Caesar's  spirit, 
Wise  Brutus  temp'rance,  and  every  vertue, 


SCENE  I.]  £>efaitU0  33 

Which,  parted  unto  others,  gave  them  name, 
Flow'd  mixt  in  him.   He  was  the  soule  of  good- 

nesse : 

And  all  our  praises  of  him  are  like  streames        155 
Drawne  from  a  spring,  that  still  rise  full,  and 

leave 
The  part  remayning  greatest. 

Arr.  I  am  sure 

He  was  too  great  for  us,  and  that  they  knew 
Who  did  remove  him  hence. 

Sab,  When  men  grow  fast 

Honor'd,  and  lov'd,  there  is  a  tricke  in  state       160 
(Which  jealous  princes  never  faile  to  use) 
How  to  decline  that  growth,  with  faire  pretext, 
And  honourable  colours  of  employment, 
Either  by  embassie,  the  war,  or  such, 
To  shift  them  forth  into  another  aire,  165 

Where  they  may  purge,  and  lessen ;  so  was  he  : 
And  had  his  secon'ds  there,  sent  by  Tiberius, 
And  his  more  subtile  damme,  to  discontent  him  ; 
To  breede,  and  cherish  mutinies ;  detract 
His  greatest  actions;  give  audacious  check          170 
To  his  commands ;  and  worke  to  put  him  out 
In  open  act  of  treason.  All  which  snares 
When  his  wise  cares  prevented,  a  fine  poyson 
Was  thought  on,  to  mature  their  practices. 

Cor.   Here  comes  Sejanus. 

Sil.  Now  observe  the  stoupes,i75 

The  bendings,  and  the  falls. 


34 

Arr.  Most  creeping  base  ! 

Sejanus,  Satrius,  Terentius,  &c.    They  pane  over  the 
stage. 

Sejanus  [to  Natta] .  I  note  'hem  well :  No  more. 
Say  you. 

Satrius.  My  lord, 

There  is  a  gentleman  of  Rome  would  buy  — 

Sej.   How  cal  you  him  you  talk'd  with  ? 

Sat.  'Please  your  lordship, 

It  is  Eudemus,  the  physitian  180 

To  Livia,  Drusu's  wife. 

Sej.  On  with  your  sute. 

Would  buy,  you  said  — 

Sat.  A  Tribunes  place,  my  lord. 

Sej.  What  will  he  give  ? 

Sat.  Fiftie  sestertia. 

Sej.  Livia's  physitian,  say  you,  is  that  fellow? 

Sat.  It  is,  my  lord ;  your  lordships  answere  ? 

Stj.  To  what  ?,8S 

Sat.  The  place,  my  lord.  'Tis  for  a  gentleman, 
Your  lordship  will  well  like  off,  when  you  see 

him ; 
And  one,  you  may  make  yours,  by  the  grant. 

Sej.  Well,  let  him  bring  his  money,  and  his 
name. 

Tkty  .   .   .   aagt.    Direction  in  small  type  in  left  margin. 
177  Say  you.   G  place*  at  beginning  of  next  line. 
179  Haw  cal  you.   W,  C,  How  do  you  call. 

1 88  one,  you.    W,  C,  G,  one  that  you 

189  kil  menty.   Fz,  Fj,  A,  omit  hi i. 


^efanua  35 

Sat.  Thanke  your  lordship.   He  shall,  my  lord. 

Sej.  Come  hither.  19° 

Know  you  this  same  Eudemus  ?  Is  he  learn'd  ? 

Sat.  Reputed  so,  my  lord  :  and  of  deepe  prac- 
tice. 

Sej.  Bring  him  in,  to  me,  in  the  gallerie  ; 
And  take  you  cause,  to  leave  us  there,  togither : 
I  would  confer  with  him,  about  a  griefe.  —  On.  195 
[Exeunt  Sejanus,  Satrtus,  Terentius,  &c. 
Some  clients  remain.] 

Arr.  So,  yet!  another?  yet?  o  desperate  state 
Of  grov'ling  honour !  Seest  thou  this,  6  sunne, 
And  doe  wee  see  thee  after  ?  Me  thinkes,  day 
Should  lose  his  light,  when  men  doe  lose  their 

shames, 

And,  for  the  emptie  circumstance  of  life,  *oo 

Betray  their  cause  of  living. 

Sil.  Nothing  so. 

Sejanus  can  repaire,  if  Jove  should  ruine. 
He  is  the  now  court-god;  And  well  applyed 
With  sacrifice  of  knees,  of  crookes,  and  cringe, 
He  will  doe  more  then  all  the  house  of  heav'n    205 
Can,  for  a  thousand  hecatombes.  'Tis  he 
Makes  us  our  day,  or  night ;  Hell,  and  Elysium 
Are  in  his  looke  :  We  talke  of  Rhadamanth, 
Furies,  and  fire-brands  ;   But  'tis  his  frowne 

195   On.  G  begins  a  new  line. 

203  the  now.    G,  now  the.  204  cringe.    G,  cringes. 


36  g>efanu0  [ACT  L 

That  is  all  these,  where,  on  the  adverse  part,     *io 
His  smile  is  more,  then  ere  (yet)  Poets  fain'd 
Ofblisse,  and  shades,  nectar  — 

Arr.  A  serving  boy? 

I  knew  him,  at  Caius  trencher,  when  for  hyre, 
He  prostituted  his  abused  body 
To  that  great  gourmond,  fat  Apicius;  »i5 

And  was  the  noted  pathick  of  the  time. 

Sab.  And,  now,  the  second  face  of  the  whole 

world. 

The  partner  of  the  empire,  hath  his  image 
Rear'd  equall  with  Tiberius,  borne  in  ensignes, 
Command's,  disposes  every  dignitie,  »»o 

Centurions,  Tribunes,  Heads  of  provinces, 
Praetors,  and  Consuls,  all  that  heretofore 
Romes  generall  suffrage  gave,  is  now  his  sale. 
The  gaine,  or  rather  spoile,  of  all  the  earth, 
One,  and  his  house,  receives. 

Sil.  He  hath  of  late»a$ 

Made  him  a  strength  too,  strangely,  by  reducing 
All  the  Praetorian  bands  into  one  campe, 
Which    he    command's :  pretending,    that    the 

souldier 

By  living  loose,  and  scattered,  fell  to  ryot ; 
And  that  if  any  sodaine  enterprise  *3° 

Should  be  attempted,  their  united  strength 
Would  be  far  more,  then  sever'd ;  and  their  life 
More  strict,  if  from  the  citie  more  remov'd. 
a*8  uulditr,  W,  C,  G,  soldier*. 


SCINI:  i.]  £>efanua  37 

Sab.  Where,  now,  he  builds,  what  kind  of 

fort's  he  please, 

Is  hard  to  court  the  souldier,  by  his  name,          235 
Wooes,  feasts  the  chiefest  men  of  action, 
Whose  wants,  not  loves,  compell  them  to  be  his. 
And,  though  he  ne're  were  liberall  by  kind, 
Yet,  to  his  owne  darke  ends,  hee's  most  profuse, 
Lavish,  and  letting  flye,  he  cares  not  what          *4° 
To  his  ambition. 

Arr.  Yet,  hath  he  ambition  ? 

Is  there  that  step  in  state  can  make  him  higher? 
Or  more  ?  or  any  thing  he  is,  but  lesse  ? 

Sil.  Nothing,  but  Emp'rour. 

Arr.  The  name  Tiberius 

I  hope,  will  keepe ;  how  ere  he  hath  fore-gone   »4S 
The  dignitie,  and  power. 

Sil.  Sure,  while  he  lives. 

Arr.  And  dead,  it  comes  to  Drusus.  Should  he 

fayle, 

To  the  brave  issue  of  Germanicus  ; 
And  they  are  three  :  Too  many  (ha  ?)  for  him 
To  have  a  plot  upon  ? 

Sab.  I  doe  not  know  *s° 

The  heart  of  his  designes ;  but,  sure,  their  face 
Lookes  farther  then  the  present. 

Arr.  By  the  gods, 

If  I  could  gesse  he  had  but  such  a  thought, 

135   hard.  W,  C,  G,   heard. 


38  ferfanu* 

My  sword  should  cleave  him  downe  from  head 

to  heart, 

But  I  would  Hnde  it  out :  and  with  my  hand       255 
I'ld  hurle  his  panting  braine  about  the  ay  re, 
In  mites,  as  small  as  atomi,  to'undoe 
The  knotted  bed  — 

Sab.  You  are  observ'd,  Arruntius. 

Arr.  Death  !  I  dare  tell  him  so ;  and  all  his 
spies  :  He  tvrnes  to  Stjanus  clyents. 

You,  sir,  I  would,  doe  you  looke  ?  and  you. 

Sab.  Forbeare.  160 

[Exeunt] 

[SCENE  II.   {The former  Scene  continued.) 
A  Gallery  discovered  opening  into  the  State  Room.] 
[Enter]  Satrius,  [with]   Eudemut,  [later]  Sejanut. 

Satrius.   Heere,  he  will  instant  be;  Let's  walke 

a  turne. 
Yo'are  in  a  muse,  Eudemus? 

Eudemui.  Not  I,  sir. 

I  wonder  he  should  marke  me  out  so  !  well, 
Jove,  and  Apollo  forme  it  for  the  best.    [Aide] 
Sat.  Your    fortune's   made    unto   you    now, 

Eudemus,  5 

If  you  can  but  lay  hold  upon  the  meanes ; 

»$7  atomt.    Fl  -  C,  A  tome*. 
259  dan.   Fa,  F},  A,  dare  to. 
Hi  .  ,  .  djrtnti.  F,  by  11.  259-60. 


ii.]  0efanu0  39 

Doe  but  observe  his  humour,  and  —  beleeve  it  — 
He's  the  noblest  Romane,  where  he  takes  — 

[Enter  Sejanus.] 
Here  comes  his  lordship. 

Sejanus.  Now,  good  Satrius. 

Sat.   This  is  the  gentleman,  my  lord. 

Sej.  Is  this  ?   10 

Give    me  your    hand,   we  must    be    more  ac- 
quainted. 

Report,  sir,  hath  spoke  out  your  art,  and  learn- 
ing: 

And  I  am  glad  I  have  so  needfull  cause, 
(How  ever  in  it  selfe  painefull,  and  hard) 
To  make  me  knowne  to  so  great  vertue.  Looke,  15 
Who's  that  ?  Satrius —  [Exit  Satrius.]    I  have  a 

griefe,  sir, 

That  will  desire  your  helpe.  Your  name's  Eude- 
mus  ? 

Eud.  Yes. 

Sej.  Sir  ? 

Eud.  It  is,  my  lord. 

Sej.  I  heare,  you  are 

Physitian  to  Livia,  the  princesse  ? 

Eud.   I  minister  unto  her,  my  good  lord.  20 

Sej.  You  minister  to  a  royall  lady,  then. 

Eud.  She  is,  my  lord,  and  fayre. 

Sej.  That's  understood 

12  spoke.  Fa,  F3,  A,  spoken. 


40  &rfanu0  [ACT  L 

Of  all  their  sexe,  who  are,  or  would  be  so  ; 
And  those,  that  would  be,  physicke  soone  can 

make  'hem  : 
For  those  that  are,  their  beauties  feare  no  collours.  15 

Eud.  Your  lordship  is  conceited. 

Sfj.  Sir,  you  know  it. 

And  can  (if  need  be)  read  a  learned  lecture, 
On  this,  and  other  secrets.   Pray  you  tell  me, 
What  more  of  ladies,  besides  Livia, 
Have  you  your  patients  ? 

Eud.  Many,  my  good  lord.  30 

The  great  Augusta,  Urgulania, 
Mutilia  Prisca,  and  Plancina,  divers  — 

Sfj.   And,  all  these  tell  you  the  particulars 
Of  every  severall  griefe  ?  how  first  it  grew, 
And  then  encreas'd,  what  action  caused  that;       35 
What  passion  that :  and  answere  to  each  point 
That  you  will  put  'hem. 

Eud.  Else,  my  lord,  we  know  not 

How  to  prescribe  the  remedies. 

Stj.  Goe  to, 

Yo'arc  a  subtill  nation,  you  Physitians! 
And  growne  the  onely  cabinets,  in  court,  40 

To  ladies  privacies.   Faith  which  of  these 
Is  the  most  pleasant  lady,  in  her  physicke  ? 
Come,  you  are  modest  now. 

Eud.  'Tis  fit,  my  lord. 

Sfj.  Why,  sir,  I  doe  not  aske  you  of  their 
urines, 


SCENE  H.]  fytfrWlS  4! 

Whose  smel's  most  violet  ?  or  whose  seige  is 

best  ?  45 

Or  who  makes  hardest  faces  on  her  stoole  ? 
Which  lady  sleepes  with  her  owne  face,  a  nights  ? 
Which  puts  her  teeth  off,  with  her  clothes,  in 

court  ? 

Or,  which  her  hayre  ?  which  her  complexion  ? 
And,  in  which  boxe  she  puts  it  ?  These  were 

questions  50 

That  might,  perhaps,  have  put  your  gravity 
To  some  defence  of  blush.  But,  I  enquir'd, 
Which  was  the  wittiest  ?  meriest  ?  wantonnest  ? 
Harmelesse  intergatories,  but  conceipts. 
Me  thinks,  Augusta  should  be  most  perverse,       55 
And  froward  in  her  fit  ? 

End.  She's  so,  my  lord. 

Sej.  I  knew  it.  And  Mutilia  the  most  jocund? 

Eud.  'Tis  very  true,  my  lord. 

Sej.  And  why  would  you 

Conceale   this  from  me,  now  ?    Come,  what's 

Li  via  ? 

I  know,  she's  quick,  and  quaintly  spirited,  60 

And  will  have  strange  thoughts,  when  she's  at 

leasure  ; 
She  tells  'hem  all  to  you  ? 

Eud.  My  noblest  lord, 

He  breaths  not  in  the  empire,  or  on  earth, 

45  smel's.    Q-A,  smels.       46  her.  Q,  the.        63   on.    Q,  the. 


4*  feffanUfl!  (AcrL 

Whom  I  would  be  ambitious  to  serve 

(In  any  act,  that  may  preserve  mine  honour)        65 

Before  your  lordship. 

Sej.  Sir,  you  can  loose  no  honor, 

By  trusting  ought  to  me.  The  coursest  act 
Done  to  my  service,  I  can  so  requite, 
As  all  the  world  shall  stile  it  honorable : 
u  Your  idle,  vertuous  definitions  70 

u  Keepe  honor  poore,and  are  as  scorn'd,  as  vaine : 
u  Those  deeds  breathe  honor,  that  do  sucke  in 
gaine. 

Eud.   But,  good  my  lord,  if  I  should  thus  betray 
The  counsels  of  my  patient,  and  a  ladies 
Of  her  high  place,  and  worth  ;  what  might  your 

lordship,  75 

(Who  presently  are  to  trust  me  with  your  owne) 
Judge  of  my  faith  ? 

Sej.  Only  the  best,  I  sweare. 

Say  now,  that  I  should  utter  you  my  griefe  ; 
And  with  it,  the  true  cause  ;  that  it  were  love ; 
And  love  to  Livia  :  you  should  tell  her  this  ?         go 
Should   she   suspect  your  faith  ?    I   would  you 

could 

Tell  me  as  much,  from  her ;  see,  if  my  braine 
Could  be  turn'd  jealous. 

Eud.  Happily,  my  lord, 

I  could,  in  time,  tell  you  as  much,  and  more ; 

74  ladin.    A,  Lady. 


43 

So  I  might  safely  promise  but  the  first,  85 

To  her,  from  you. 

Sej.  As  safely,  my  Eudemus, 

(I  now  dare  call  thee  so)  as  I  have  put 
The  secret  into  thee. 

Eud.  My  lord  — 

Sej.  Protest  not. 

Thy  lookes  are  vowes  to  me,  use  onely  speed, 
And  but  affect  her  with  Sejanus  love,  90 

Thou  art  a  man,  made,  to  make  Consuls.  Goe. 

Eud.  My  lord,  He   promise   you    a   private 

meeting 
This  day,  together. 

Sej.  Canst  thou  ? 

Eud.  Yes. 

Sej.  The  place  ? 

Eud.  My  gardens,  whither  I  shall  fetch  your 
lordship. 

Sej.   Let  me  adore  my  ./Esculapius.  95 

Why,  this  indeed  is  physick !  and  out-speakes 
The  knowledge  of  cheape  drugs,  or  any  use 
Can  be  made  out  of  it!  more  comforting 
Then  all  your  opiates,  julebes,  apozemes, 
Magistrall  syrrupes,  or  —  Be  gone,  my  friend,    100 
Not  barely  stiled,  but  created  so  ; 
Expect  things,  greater  then  thy  largest  hopes, 
To  overtake  thee :  Fortune,  shall  be  taught 
To  know  how  ill  she  hath  deserv'd  thus  long, 


44  £>ffanu0  (ACT  i. 

To  come  behinde  thy  wishes.   Goc,  and  speed.  '°s 

[Exit  Eudemus.] 

"  Ambition  makes  more  trusty  slaves,  then  need, 
These  fellowes,  by  the  favour  of  their  arte, 
Have,  still,  the  meanes  to  tempt,  oft-times,  the 

power. 

If  Livia  will  be  now  corrupted,  then 
Thou  hast  the  way,  Sejanus,  to  worke  out  «>° 

His  secrets,  who  (thou  knowest)  endures  thee 

not, 
Her  husband    Drusus :   and   to  worke  against 

them. 

Prosper  it,  Pallas,  thou,  that  betterst  wit ; 
For  Venus  hath  the  smallest  share  in  it. 
[Enter  Tiberius  and  Drusus,  attended.] 

Tiberius,  Sejanus,  Drusus. 
Tiberius.   Wee  not  endure  these  flatteries,  let 

him  stand  ;  One  kneeles  to  him.  115 

Our  empire,  ensignes,  axes,  roddes,  and  state 
Take  not  away  our  humane  nature  from  us : 
Looke  up,  on  us,  and  fall  before  the  gods. 
Stj.   How  like  a  god,  speakes  Caesar! 
Arruntius.  There,  observe ! 

He  can  indure  that  second,  that's  no  flattery.      >*o 
O,  what  is  it,  proud  slime  will  not  beleeve 
Of  his  owne  worth,  to  heare  it  equall  prais'd 
Thus  with  the  gods  ? 

lit    knctvett.   Fi,  etc.,   knowtt 
Out   .    .    .    kirn.    F,  by  II.    I  I  ?    16 


SCENE  II.]  ^f  311110  45 

Cordus.  He  did  not  heare  it,  sir. 

Arr.   He   did   not  ?    Tut,   he   must   not,  we 

thinke  meanely. 

'Tis  your  most  courtly,  knowne  confederacy,     125 
To  have  your  private  parasite  redeeme 
What  he,  in  publique  subtilty,  will  lose 
To  making  him  a  name. 

Haterius.  Right  mighty  lord  — 

\_Gives  him  letter s.~\ 

Tib.  We  must  make  up   our  eares,  'gainst 

these  assaults 

Of  charming  tongues  ;  we  pray  you  use,  no  more  130 
These  contumelies  to  us :  stile  not  us 
Or  lord,  or  mighty,  who  professe  our  selfe 
The  servant  of  the  Senate,  and  are  proud 
T'enjoy  them  our  good,  just,  and  favouring  lords. 

Cor.  Rarely  dissembled. 

Arr.  Prince-like,  to  the  life.  135 

"  Sabinus.   When  power,  that  may  command, 

so  much  descends, 
"  Their  bondage,  whom  it  stoupes  to,  it  intends. 

Tib.  Whence  are  these  letters  ? 

Hat.          From  the  Senate. 

Tib.  So.  \_Latiaris  gives  him  letters.] 

Whence  these  ? 

Latiaris.  From  thence  too. 

1*7  publique.  G,  comma  after  this,  tubtilty.    W,  C,  G,  subtilly. 
128  To.   C,  In. 


46  £>rfanu* 

Tib.  Are  they  sitting,  now  ? 

Lot.  They  stay  thy  answere,  Caesar. 
Silius.  If  this  man  14.0 

Had  but  a  minde  allied  unto  his  words, 
How  blest  a  fate  were  it  to  us,  and  Rome? 
We  could  not  thinke  that  state,  for  which  to 

change, 

Although  the  ayme  were  our  old  liberty : 
The  ghosts  of  those  that   fell  for  that,  would 

grieve  145 

Their  bodies  liv'd  not,  now,  againe  to  serve. 
44  Men  are  deceiv'd,  who  thinke  there  can  be 

thrall 

"Beneath  a  vertuous  prince.  Wish'd  liberty 
44  Ne're  lovelier  lookes,  then  under  such  a  crowne. 
But,  when  his  grace  is  meerely  but  lip-good,       >s° 
And,  that  no  longer,  then  he  aires  himselfe 
Abroad  in  publique,  there,  to  seeme  to  shun 
The  strokes,  and   stripes   of  flatterers,  which 

within 

Are  lechery  unto  him,  and  so  feed 
His  brutish  sense  with  their  afflicting  sound,       155 
As  (dead  to  vertue)  he  permits  himselfe 
Be  carried  like  a  pitcher,  by  the  cares, 
To  every  act  of  vice :  this  is  a  case 
Deserves  our  feare,  and  doth  presage  the  nigh, 
And  close  approach  of  bloud  and  tyranny.  >6o 

160  hind  and.   C,  bloody. 


SCENE  II.]  &tfanU8  47 

"  Flattery  is  midwife  unto  princes  rage  : 

"  And  nothing  sooner,  doth  helpe  foorth  a  ty- 
ranne, 

"  Then  that,  and  whisperers  grace,  who  have 
the  time, 

"  The  place,  the  power,  to  make  all  men  offend- 
ers. 

Arr.   He  should  be  told  this ;  and  be  bid  dis- 
semble 165 

With  fooles,  and  blinde  men  :  We  that  know 
the  evill, 

Should  hunt  the  Palace-rattes,  or  give  them  bane ; 

Fright  hence  these  worse  then  ravens,  that  de- 
voure 

The  quicke,  where  they  but  prey  upon  the  dead  : 

He  shall  be  told  it. 

Sab.  Stay,  Arruntius,  170 

We  must  abide  our  oportunity : 

And  practise  what  is  fit,  as  what  is  needfull. 

u  It  is  not  safe  t'en force  a  soveraigne's  eare : 

"  Princes  heare  well,  if  they  at  all  will  heare. 
Arr.   Ha  ?  Say  you  so  ?  well.   In  the  meane 
time,  Jove,  175 

(Say  not,  but  I  doe  call  upon  thee  now.) 

Of  all  wilde  beasts,  preserve  me  from  a  tyranne ; 

And  of  all  tame,  a  flatterer. 

&7.  'Tis  well  pray'd. 

161   princes.   G,  prince's. 


48  frt  fanua  (ACT  L 

Tib.    [having  read  the  letter i\.    Returne   the 
lords  this  voyce,  we  are  their  creature : 
And  it  is  fit,  a  good,  and  honest  prince,  180 

Whom  they,  out  of  their  bounty,  have  instructed 
With  so  dilate,  and  absolute  a  power, 
Should  owe  the  office  of  it,  to  their  service; 
And  good  of  all,  and  every  citizen. 
Nor  shall  it  e're  repent  us,  to  have  wish'd  185 

The  Senate  just,  and  fav'ring  lords  unto  us, 
"  Since  their  free  loves  doe  yeeld  no  lesse  defence 
"  T'a  princes  state,  then  his  owne  innocence. 
Say  then,  there  can  be  nothing  in  their  thought 
Shall  want  to  please  us,  that  hath  pleased  them  ;  190 
Our  suffrage  rather  shall  prevent,  then  stay 
Behind  their  wills :  'tis  empire,  to  obey 
Where  such,  so  great,  so  grave,  so  good  deter- 
mine. 

Yet,  for  the  sute  of  Spaine,  t'erect  a  temple 
In  honour  of  our  mother,  and  our  selfe,  195 

We  must  (with  pardon  of  the  Senate)  not 
Assent  thereto.  Their  lordships  may  object 
Our  not  denying  the  same  late  request 
Unto  the  Asian  cities :   We  desire 
That  our  defence,  for  suffering  that,  be  knowneaoo 
In  these  briefe  reasons,  with  our  after  purpose. 
Since  deified  Augustus  hindred  not 
A  temple  to  be  built,  at  Pergamum, 

179  (rtaturt.   C,  creituret. 


SCENE  II.]  fytfanUt  49 

In  honour  of  himselfe,  and  sacred  Rome, 
We,  that  have  all  his  deedes,  and  wordes  ob- 

serv'd  205 

Ever,  in  place  of  lawes,  the  rather  follow'd 
That  pleasing  precedent,  because,  with  ours, 
The  Senates  reverence  also,  there,  was  joyn'd. 
But,  as,  t'have  once  receiv'd  it,  may  deserve 
The  gaine  of  pardon,  so,  to  be  ador'd  210 

With  the  continew'd  stile,  and  note  of  gods, 
Through  all  the  provinces,  were  wild  ambition, 
And  no  lesse  pride  :  Yea,  ev'n  Augustus  name 
Would  early  vanish,  should  it  be  prophan'd 
With  such  promiscuous  flatteries.  For  our  part,  215 
We  here  protest  it,  and  are  covetous 
Posteritie  should  know  it,  we  are  mortall ; 
And  can  but  deedes  of  men  :  'twere  glory  'inough, 
Could  we  be  truely  a  prince.  And,  they  shall 

adde 

Abounding  grace,  unto  our  memorie,  220 

That  shall  report  us  worthy  our  fore-fathers, 
Carefull  of  your  affaires,  constant  in  dangers, 
And  not  afraid  of  any  private  frowne 
For  publike  good.  These  things  shall  be  to  us 
Temples,  and  statues,  reared  in  your  mindes,      225 
The  fairest,  and  most  during  imag'rie : 
For  those  of  stone,  or  brasse,  if  they  become 
Odious  in  judgement  of  posteritie, 

225  your.    F2  ,F3,  A,  our. 


50  £>rfanu* 

Are  more  contemn'd,  as  dying  sepulchres, 
Then  tane  for  living  monuments.   We  then        130 
Make  here  our  suite,  alike  to  gods,  and  men, 
The  one,  untill  the  period  of  our  race, 
T'inspire  us  with  a  free,  and  quiet  mind, 
Discerning  both  divine,  and  humane  lawes ; 
The  other,  to  vouchsafe  us  after  death,  135 

An  honourable  mention,  and  faire  praise, 
T'accompanie  our  actions,  and  our  name  : 
The  rest  of  greatnesse  princes  may  command, 
And  (therefore)  may  neglect,  only,  a  long, 
A  lasting,  high,  and  happy  memorie  240 

They  should,  without  being  satisfied,  pursue. 
Contempt  of  fame  begets  contempt  of  vertue. 
Natta.  Rare! 

Satrius.  Most  divine ! 

Sfj.  The  Oracles  are  ceas'd, 

That  only  Caesar,  with    their   tongue,   might 

speake. 
Arr.  Let  me  be  gone,  most  felt,  and  open 

this !  145 

Cor.  Stay. 
Arr.         What  ?  to  heare  more  cunning,  and 

fine  wordes, 
With  their  sound  flatter'd,  ere  their  sense  be 

meant  ? 

Tib.  Their  choise  of  Antium,  there  to  place 
the  guift 


SCENE  II.]  ^311110  51 

Vow'd  to  the  goddesse,  for  our  mothers  health,  249 

We  will  the  Senate  know,  we  fairely  like ;    Fortuna  eyues- 

As  also>  of  their  grant  to  Lepidus,  trit- 

For  his  repayring  the  ^Emilian  place, 

And  restauration  of  those  monuments : 

Their  grace  too  in  confining  of  Silanus, 

To  th'other  Is'le  Cithera,  at  the  sute  255 

Of  his  religious  sister,  much  commends 

Their  policie,  so  temp'red  with  their  mercy. 

But,  for  the  honours,  which  they  have  decreed 

To  our  Sejanus,  to  advance  his  statue 

In  Pompei's  theatre  (whose  ruining  fire  260 

His  vigilance,  and  labour  kept  restrain'd 

In  that  one  losse)  they  have,  therein,  out-gone 

Their  owne  great  wisedomes,  by  their  skilfull 

choise, 

And  placing  of  their  bounties,  on  a  man, 
Whose  merit  more  adornes  the  dignitie,  265 

Then  that  can  him :  and  gives  a  benefit, 
In  taking,  greater,  then  it  can  receive. 
Blush  not,  Sejanus,  thou  great  aide  of  Rome, 
Associate  of  our  labours,  our  chiefe  helper, 
Let  us  not  force  thy  simple  modestie  270 

With  offring  at  thy  praise,  for  more  we  cannot, 
Since  there's  no  voice  can  take  it.  No  man,  here, 
Receive  our  speeches,  as  hyperbole's ; 
For  we  are  far  from  flatt'ring  our  friend, 

252  place.   C,  palace.  255  at.   F2,  F3,  A,  and. 


"52  ferfanu0  (ACT  i. 

(Let  envy  know)  as  from  the  need  to  flatter.      175 
Nor  let  them  aske  the  causes  of  our  praise ; 
Princes  have  still  their  grounds  rear'd  with  them- 
selves, 

Above  the  poore  low  flats  of  common  men, 
And,  who  will  search  the  reasons  of  their  acts, 
Must  stand  on  equall  bases.   Lead,  away.  180 

Our  loves  unto  the  Senate. 

[Exeunt  Tiberius,  Sejanus,  Natta,  Haterius,  Latiaris, 
Officers,  £sV.] 

Arr.  Caesar. 

Sab.  Peace. 

Cor.  Great  Pompei's  theatre  was  never  ruin  M 
Till  now,  that  proud  Sejanus  hath  a  statue 
Rear'd  on  his  ashes. 

Arr.  Place  the  shame  of  souldiers, 

Above  the  best  of  generalls?  cracke  the  world  !  185 
And  bruise  the  name  of  Romanes  into  dust, 
Ere  we  behold  it ! 

Si/.  Checke  your  passion  ; 

Lord  Drusus  tarries. 

Drusus.  Is  my  father  mad  ? 

Wearie  of  life,  and  rule,  lords  ?  thus  to  heave 
An  idoll  up  with  praise  !  make  him  his  mate  !     19° 
His  rivall  in  the  empire! 

Arr.  O,  good  prince  ! 

Dru.  Allow  him  statues  ?  titles  ?   honours  ? 

such, 
As  he  himselfe  refuseth  ? 


SCENE  II.)  ^efattU0  53 

Arr.  Brave,  brave  Drusus  ! 

Dru.  The  first  ascents   to   soveraigntie  are 

hard[;] 

But,  entred  once,  there  never  wants  or  meanes,295 
Or  ministers,  to  helpe  th'aspirer  on. 

Arr.  True,  gallant  Drusus. 

Dru.  We  must  shortly  pray 

To  Modestie,  that  he  will  rest  contented  — 

Arr.  I,  where  he  is,  and  not  write  emp'rour. 

[Re-enter]  Sejanus,  \_Satrius,  Latiaris,  Clients,  &c.~\ 
Drusus,  Arruntius,  &t.   [on  one  side.~\ 

Sej.  There  is  your  bill,  and  yours ;  Bring  you 

your  man  :  300 

I  have  mov'd  for  you,  too,  Latiaris. 

Dru.  What  ? 

Is  your  vast  greatnesse  growne  so  blindly  bold, 
That  you  will  over  us  ? 

Sej.  Why,  then  give  way. 

Dru.  Give   way,   Colossus  ?   Doe   you  lift  ? 

Advance  you  ? 

Take  that.  Drusus  strikes  him. 

Arr.         Good  !  brave !  excellent  brave  prince  !  305 
Dru.  Nay,  come,  approch.  [Draw j.]  What  ? 

stand  you  off?  at  gaze  ? 
It  lookes  too  full  of  death,  for  thy  cold  spirits. 

Re-enter.    The  marginal  direction  in  the  Folio  is  He  enters,  fol- 
lowed 'with  clients. 

307   spirits.   Q,  spirit. 


54  £>etanua  [ACT  L 

Avoid  mine  eye,  dull  camell,  or  my  sword 
Shall  make  thy  brav'rie  fitter  for  a  grave, 
Then  for  a  triumph.   I'le  advance  a  statue,         310 
O'your  owne  bulke ;  but't  shall  be  on  the  crosse  : 
Where  I  will  naile  your  pride,  at  breadth,  and 

length, 
And  cracke  those  sinnewes,  which  are  yet  but 

stretch'd 
With  your  swolne  fortunes  rage. 

Arr.  A  noble  prince  ! 

All.  A  Castor,  a  Castor,  a  Castor,  a  Castor  1315 

\_Exeunt  all  but\  Sejanus. 
Stj.  He  that,  with  such  wrong  mov'd,  can 

beare  it  through 

With  patience,  and  an  even  mind,  knowes  how 
To  turne  it  backe.   Wrath,  cover'd,  carryes  fate : 
Revenge  is  lost,  if  I  professe  my  hate. 
What  was  my  practice  late,  I'le  now  pursue       310 
As  my  fell  justice.  This  hath  stil'd  it  new. 

[*«/.] 
Chorus  —  Of  Musicians. 

309  brav'rie.    G,  bravery. 

315    Cotter.   Q  has  Sec.  in  place  of  fourth  Castor. 

311  new.  "  After  this  speech  the  Quarto  has  Mu.  Ctorat,  which 
is  repeated  at  the  end  of  every  succeeding  act.  As  it  seems  to  mean, 
in  plain  English,  merely  the  music  between  the  acts,  I  have  not 
thought  it  worth  preserving."  GirTord. 


ACT  II. 

[SCENE  I.   The  Garden  of  Eudemus. 
Enter~\  Sejanus,  Livia,  Eudemus. 

Sejanus.  Physician,  thou  art  worthy  of  a  pro> 

vince, 

For  the  great  favours  done  unto  our  loves ; 
And,  but  that  greatest  Livia  beares  a  part 
In  the  requitall  of  thy  services, 
I  should  alone,  despaire  of  ought,  like  meanes,      5 
To  give  them  worthy  satisfaction. 

Livia.  Eudemus,  (I  will  see  it)  shall  receive 
A  fit,  and  full  reward,  for  his  large  merit. 
But  for  this  potion,  we  intend  to  Drusus, 
(No  more  our  husband,  now)  whom  shall  we 

choose  10 

As  the  most  apt,  and  abled  instrument, 
To  minister  it  to  him  ? 

Eudemus.  I  say,  Lygdus. 

Sej.  Lygdus  ?  what's  he  ? 

Liv.  An  Eunuch  Drusus  loves. 

Eud.  I,  and  his  cup-bearer. 

Sej.  Name  not  a  second. 

If  Drusus  love  him,  and  he  have  that  place,         15 
We  cannot  thinke  a  fitter. 

ii   abled.  F2,  F3,  ablest;  A,  and  blest.        15  love.   C,  loves. 


56 

Eud.  True,  my  lord, 

For  free  accesse,  and  trust,  are  two  maine  aides. 

Sej.  Skilfull  physitian  ! 

Liv.  But  he  must  be  wrought 

To  th'undertaking,  with  some  labour'd  arte. 

Sej.  Is  he  ambitious? 

Liv.  No. 

Sej.  Or  covetous  ?          10 

Liv.  Neither. 

Eud.  Yet,  gold  is  a  good  generall  charme. 

Sej.  What  is  he  then  ? 

Liv.  Faith,  only  wanton,  light. 

Sej.   How  !  is  he  young?  and  faire? 

Eud.  A  delicate  youth. 

Sej.  Send  him  to  me,  Fie  worke  him.  Royall 

ladie, 
Though  I  have  lov'd  you  long,  and  with  that 

height  *s 

Of  zeale,  and  dutie,  (like  the  fire,  which  more 
It  mounts,  it  trembles)  thinking  nought  could 

adde 

Unto  the  fervour,  which  your  eye  had  kindled; 
Yet,   now    I    see   your   wisedome,  judgement, 

strength, 

Ouicknesse,  and  will,  to  apprehend  the  meanes  30 
To  your  owne  good,  and  greatnesse,  I  protest 
My  selfe  through  rarefied,  and  turn'd  all  flame 
In  your  affection  :  Such  a  spirit  as  yours, 


SCENE  I.]  gtff 31X11$  57 

Was  not  created  for  the  idle  second 
To  a  poore  flash,  as  Drusus ;  but  to  shine  35 

Bright,  as  the  Moone,  among  the  lesser  lights, 
And  share  the  sov'raigntie  of  all  the  world. 
Then  Livia  triumphs  in  her  proper  spheare, 
When  shee,  and  her  Sejanus  shall  divide 
The  name  of  Caesar ;  and  Augusta's  starre          40 
Be  dimm'd  with  glorie  of  a  brighter  beame: 
When  Agrippina's  fires  are  quite  extinct, 
And  the  scarce-scene  Tiberius  borrowes  all 
His  little  light  from  us,  whose  folded  armes 
Shall  make  one  perfect  orbe.    \_Knocking  within.'] 

Who's  that  ?   Eudemus,  45 

Looke,  'tis  not  Drusus  ?   [Exit  Eudemus.]  Ladie, 
doe  not  feare. 

Liv.  Not  I,  my  lord.   My  feare,  and  love  of 

him 
Left  me  at  once. 

Sej.  Illustrous  ladie!  stay  — 

Eud.    [within] .  I'le  tell  his  lordship. 
[Re-enter  Eudemus] 

Sej.  Who  is't,  Eudemus  ? 

Eud.  One  of  your  lordships  servants,  brings 

you  word  50 

The  Emp'rour  hath  sent  for  you. 

46  'tis  not  Drusus  ?  Ladie.    G,  'Tis  not  Drusus,  lady,  etc. 

48  Illustrous.  F3,  etc.,  Illustrious. 

49  Who  is't.  A,  Who's  that ;  W,  C,  G,  Who  is  it. 

50  brings.   A,  bring. 


5  8  £efanu0 

Sej.  O  !  where  is  he  ? 

With  your  faire  leave,  dear  Princesse.  Tie  but 

aske 

A  question,  and  returne.  He  goes  out, 

Eud.  Fortunate  Princesse ! 

How  are  you  blest  in  the  fruition 
Of  this  unequald  man,  this  soule  of  Rome,  55 

The  empires  life,  and  voice  of  Caesars  world ! 
Liv.  So  blessed,  my  Eudemus,  as  to  know 
The  blisse  I  have,  with  what  I  ought  to  owe 
The  meanes  that  wrought  it.   How  do'I  looke 

to  day  ? 
Eud.  Excellent  cleere,  beleeve  it.  This  same 

fucus  60 

Was  well  laid  on. 

Liv.  Me  thinkes,  'tis  here  not  white. 

Eud.  Lend  me  your  scarlet,  lady.  'Tis  the 

sunne 

Hath  giv'n  some  little  taint  unto  the  ceruse, 
You  should  have  us'd  of  the  white  oyle  I  gave 

you. 

Sejanus,  for  your  love !  his  very  name  65 

Commandeth  above  Cupid,  or  his  shafts  — 

[Paints  her  cheeks.] 

(Z,/v.  Nay,  now  yo'have  made  it  worse. 
Eud.  I'le  helpe  it  straight.) 

And,  but  pronounc'd,  is  a  sufficient  charme 

Ht  .  .  .  out.   F,  by  I.  51.       55  thii  uult.  W,  C,  G,  theioul. 
63    unto.    A,  to. 


SCENE  I.]  g>efattU0  59 

Against  all  rumour ;  and  of  absolute  power 

To  satisfie  for  any  ladies  honour.  7° 

(Liv.  What  doe  you  now,  Eudemus  ? 

Eud.  Make  a  light  fucus, 

To  touch  you  ore  withall.)  Honor' d  Sejanus  ! 
What  act  (though  ne're  so  strange,  and  insolent) 
But  that  addition  will  at  least  beare  out, 
If't  doe  not  expiate? 

Liv.  Here,  good  physitian.          75 

Eud.  I  like  this  studie  to  preserve  the  love 
Of  such  a  man,  that  comes  not  every  houre 
To  greet  the  world.  ('Tis  now  well,  ladie,  you 

should 

Use  of  the  dentifrice,  I  prescrib'd  you,  too, 
To  cleere  your  teeth,  and  the  prepar'd  pomatum,  go 
To  smoothe  the  skin  :)  A  lady  cannot  be 
Too  curious  of  her  forme,  that  still  would  hold 
The  heart  of  such  a  person,  made  her  captive, 
As  you  have  his :  who,  to  endeare  him  more 
In  your  cleere  eye,  hath  put  away  his  wife,          85 
The  trouble  of  his  bed,  and  your  delights, 
Faire  Apicata,  and  made  spacious  roome 
To  your  new  pleasures. 

Liv.  Have  not  we  return'd 

That,  with  our  hate  of  Drusus,  and  discoverie 
Of  all  his  councels  ? 

Eud.  Yes,  and  wisely,  lady,         90 

84  his.  C,  this.  89  of.   W,  C,  G,  to. 


60  £>rfanu$ 

The  ages  that  succeed,  and  stand  far  off 
To  gaze  at  your  high  prudence,  shall  admire 
And  reckon  it  an  act,  without  your  sexe : 
It  hath  that  rare  apparance.  Some  will  thinke 
Your  fortune  could  not  yeeld  a  deeper  sound,      95 
Then  mixt  with  Drusus;  But,  when  they  shall 

heare 

That,  and  the  thunder  of  Sejanus  meet, 
Sejanus,  whose  high  name  doth  strike  the  starres, 
And  rings  about  the  concave,  great  Sejanus, 
Whose  glories,  stile,  and  titles  are  himselfe,        100 
The  often  iterating  of  Sejanus  : 
They   then   will    lose   their   thoughts,   and   be 

asham'd 

To  take  acquaintance  of  them. 
\Re-enter  Sejanus.] 

Stj.  I  must  make 

A  rude  departure,  lady.  Caesar  sends 
With  all  his  haste  both  of  command,  and  prayer.  105 
Be  resolute  in  our  plot;  you  have  my  soule, 
As  certayne  yours,  as  it  is  my  bodies. 
And,  wise  physitian,  so  prepare  the  poyson 
As  you  may  lay  the  subtile  operation 
Upon  some  naturall  disease  of  his.  no 

Your  eunuch  send  to  me.   I  kisse  your  hands, 
Glorie  of  ladies,  and  commend  my  love 
To  your  best  faith,  and  memorie. 

Liv.  My  lord, 


SCENE  I.]  &t\WMl8  6 1 

I  shall  but  change  your  wordes.  Farewell.  Yet, 

this 

Remember  for  your  heed,  he  loves  you  not;       115 
You  know,  what  I  have  told  you :  His  designes 
Are  full  of  grudge,  and  danger :  we  must  use 
More  then  a  common  speed. 

Sej.  Excellent  lady, 

How  you  doe  fire  my  bloud ! 

Liv.  Well,  you  must  goe  ? 

The  thoughts  be  best,  are  least  set  forth  to  shew.  120 

[Exit  Sej  anus. ~\ 

Eud.  When  will  you  take  some  physick,  lady  ? 

Liv.  When 

I  shall,  Eudemus :  But  let  Drusus  drug 
Be  first  prepar'd. 

Eud.  Were  Lygdus  made,  that's  done ; 

I  have  it  readie.  And  to  morrow-morning, 
Pie  send  you  a  perfume,  first  to  resolve,  125 

And  procure  sweat,  and  then  prepare  a  bath 
To  dense,  and  cleere  the  cutis ;  against  when, 
I'le  have  an  excellent  new  fucus  made, 
Resistive  'gainst  the  sunne,  the  raine,  or  wind, 
Which  you  shall  lay  on  with  a  breath,  or  oyle,  130 
As  you  best  like,  and  last  some  fourteene  houres. 
This  change  came  timely,  lady,  for  your  health  ; 

121   lady?  When.  F3,  A  place   When  at  beginning  of  1.  122. 
126  and  then.   F2,  F3,  A  omit  and. 
129  'gainst.    F3,  A,  against. 


62  ^rfanua  (ACT  n. 

And  the  restoring  your  complexion, 
Which  Drusus  choller  had  almost  burnt  up : 
Wherein  your  fortune  hath  prescrib'd  you  better  135 
Then  arte  could  doe. 

Liv.  Thankes,  good  physitian, 

Tie  use  my  fortune  (you  shall  see)  with  rever- 
ence. 
Is  my  coach  ready  ? 

Eud.  It  attends  your  highnesse. 

[Exeunt.] 

[SCENE  II.   An  Apartment  in  the  Palace. 
Enter]  Sejanus. 

Sejanus.  If  this  be  not  revenge,  when  I  have 

done 

And  made  it  perfect,  let  ./Egyptian  slaves, 
Parthians,and  bare-foot  Hebrewes  brand  my  face, 
And  print  my  body  full  of  injuries. 
Thou  lost  thy  selfe,  childe  Drusus,  when  thou 

thought's!  5 

Thou  could'st  out-skip  my  vengeance  :  or  out- 
stand 

The  power  I  had  to  crush  thee  into  ayre. 
Thy  follyes  now  shall  taste  what  kinde  of  man 
They  have  provok'd,  and  this  thy  fathers  house 
Cracke  in  the  flame  of  my  incensed  rage,  10 

Whose  fury  shall  admit  no  shame,  or  meane. 
Adultery  ?  it  is  the  lightest  ill, 


SCENE  II.]  gtff 31111$  63 

I  will  commit.  A  race  of  wicked  acts 

Shall  flow  out  of  my  anger,  and  o're-spread 

The  worlds  wide  face,  which  no  posterity  15 

Shall  e're  approove,  nor  yet  keepe  silent :  Things, 

That  for  their  cunning,  close,  and  cruell  marke, 

Thy  father  would  wish  his ;  and  shall  (perhaps) 

Carry  the  empty  name,  but  we  the  prize. 

On  then,  my  soule,  and  start  not  in  thy  course  ;  20 

Though  heav'n  drop  sulphure,  and  hell  belch 

out  fire, 

Laugh  at  the  idle  terrors :  Tell  proud  Jove, 
Betweene  his  power,  and  thine,  there  is  no  oddes. 
'Twas  onely  feare,  first,  in  the  world  made  gods. 
\Enter\    Tiberius,  [attended,  to\  Sejanus. 

Tiberius.   Is  yet  Sejanus  come  ? 

Sej.  He's  here,  dread  Caesar.  25 

Tib.  Let  all  depart  that  chamber,  and   the 
next :  \_Exeunt  Attendants.] 

Sit  downe,  my  comfort.  When  the  master-prince 
Of  all  the  world,  Sejanus,  saith,  he  feares; 
Is  it  not  fatall  ? 

Sej.  Yes,  to  those  are  fear'd. 

Tib.  And  not  to  him  ? 

Sej.  Not,  if  he  wisely  turne  30 

That  part  of  fate  he  holdeth,  first  on  them. 

Tib.  That  nature,  bloud,  and  lawes  of  kinde 
forbid. 

Sej.   Doe  policie,  and  state  forbid  it? 


64  £>r  fanua  IACT  IL 

Tib.  No. 

Sej.  The  rest  of  poore  respects,  then,  let  goe 

by: 
State  is  inough  to  make  th'act  just,  them  guilty.    35 

Tib.  Long  hate  pursues  such  acts. 

Sej.  Whom  hatred  frights, 

Let  him  not  dreame  on  sov'raignty. 

Tib.  Are  rites 

Of  faith,  love,  piety,  to  be  trod  downe  ? 
Forgotten  ?  and  made  vaine  ? 

Sej.  All  for  a  crowne. 

The  prince,  who  shames  a  tyrannes  name  to 

beare,  4° 

Shall  never  dare  doe  any  thing,  but  feare ; 
All  the  command  of  scepters  quite  doth  perish 
If  it  beginne  religious  thoughts  to  cherish  : 
Whole  Empires  fall,  swaid  by  those  nice  re- 
spects. 

It  is  the  licence  of  darke  deeds  protects  45 

Ev'n  states  most  hated  :  when  no  lawes  resist 
The  sword,  but  that  it  acteth  what  it  list. 

Tib.  Yet  so,  we  may  doe  all  things  cruelly, 
Not  safely  : 

Sej.  Yes,  and  doe  them  thoroughly. 

Tib.  Knowes  yet,  Sejanus,  whom  we  point  at  ? 

Sej.  I,  so 

37  on.  Fi,  etc.,  of.  41  command.   A,  command!. 

49  thoroughly.  Q-A,  throughly. 


SCENE  H.]  &t\mU&  65 

Or  else  my  thought,  my  sense,  or  both  doe  erre; 
'Tis  Agrippina  ? 

Tib.  She  ;  and  her  proud  race. 

Sej.  Proud  ?  dangerous,  Caesar.  For  in  them 

apace 

The  fathers  spirit  shoots  up.   Germanicus 
Lives  in  their  lookes,  their  gate,  their  forme, 

t'upbraide  us  55 

With  his  close  death,  if  not  revenge  the  same. 

Tib.  The  act's  not  knowne. 

Sej.  Not  prov'd.   But  whispring  fame 

Knowledge,  and  proofe  doth  to  the  jealous  give, 
Who,  then  to  faile,  would  their  owne  thought 

beleeve. 

It  is  not  safe,  the  children  draw  long  breath,        60 
That  are  provoked  by  a  parents  death. 

Tib.  It  is  as  dangerous,  to  make  them  hence, 
If  nothing  but  their  birth  be  their  offence. 

Sej.  Stay,  till  they  strike  at  Caesar :  then  their 

crime 

Will  be  enough,  but  late,  and  out  of  time  65 

For  him  to  punish. 

Tib.  Doe  they  purpose  it? 

Sej.  You  know,  sir,  thunder  speakes  not  till 

it  hit. 

Be  not  secure :  none  swiftlier  are  opprest, 
Then  they,  whom  confidence  betrayes  to  rest. 

56  hit.   F3,  A,  this. 


66  $>rfanu* 

Let  not  your  daring  make  your  danger  such :       7® 
All  power's  to  be  fear'd,  where  'tis  too  much. 
The  youth's  are  (of  themselves)  hote,  violent, 
Full  of  great  thought ;  and  that  male-spirited 

dame, 
Their  mother,  slackes  no  meanes  to  put  them 

on, 

By  large  allowance,  popular  presentings,  7$ 

Increase  of  traine,  and  state,  suing  for  titles, 
Hath  them  commended  with  like  praiers,  like 

vowes, 

To  the  same  Gods,  with  Caesar :  daies  and  nights 
Shee  spends  in  banquets,  and  ambitious  feasts 
For  the  Nobilitie ;  where  Caius  Silius,  80 

Titius  Sabinus,  olde  Arruntius, 
Asinius  Gallus,  Furnius,  Regulus, 
And  others,  of  that  discontented  list, 
Are  the  prime  guests.  There,  and  to  these,  she 

tels 
Whose  niece    she  was,  whose   daughter,  and 

whose  wife,  85 

And  then  must  they  compare  her  with  Augusta, 
I,  and  preferre  her  too,  commend  her  forme, 
Extoll  her  fruitfulnesse ;  at  which  a  showre 
Fals  for  the  memorie  of  Germanicus, 
Which   they  blow  over  straight,  with  windie 

.          praise,  9° 

And  puffing  hopes  of  her  aspiring  sonnes  : 


SCENE  II.]  ^efaitU0  67 

Who,   with  these    hourely   ticklings,   grow   so 

pleas'd, 

And  wantonly  conceited  of  themselves, 
As  now,  they  sticke  not  to  beleeve  they're  such, 
As  these   doe   give   'hem   out :   and   would  be 

thought  95 

(More  then  competitors)  immediate  heires. 
Whilest  to  their  thirst  of  rule  they  winne  the 

rout 

(That's  still  the  friend  of  noveltie)  with  hope 
Of  future  freedome,  which  on  everie  change, 
That  greedily,  though  emptily,  expects.  100 

Caesar,  'tis  age  in  all  things  breeds  neglects, 
And  princes  that  will  keepe  olde  dignitie, 
Must  not  admit  too  youthfull  heires  stand  by  ; 
Not  their  owne  issue :  but  so  darkely  set 
As  shadowes  are  in  picture,  to  give  height,          105 
And  lustre  to  themselves. 

Tib.  We  will  command 

Their  ranke  thoughts  downe,  and  with  a  stricter 

hand 
Then  we  have  yet  put  forth,  their  traines  must 

bate, 
Their  titles,  feasts  and  factions. 

Sej.  Or  your  state. 

But  how  sir,  will  you  worke  ? 

Tib.  Confine  'hem, 

Sej.  No.  no 


68  &r  janujf  (ACT  H. 

They  arc  too  great,  and  that  too  faint  a  blow, 
To  give  them  now:  it  would  have  serv'd  at  first, 
When,  with  the  weakest  touch,  their  knot  had 

burst. 

But,  now,  your  care  must  be,  not  to  detect 
The  smallest  cord,  or  line  of  your  suspect,          "5 
For  such,  who  know  the  weight  of  princes  feare, 
Will,  when    they    find    themselves   discover'd, 

reare 
Their  forces,  like  scene  snakes,  that  else  would 

lye 
Rould  in  their  circles,  close:   Nought  is  more 

high, 

Daring,  or  desperate,  then  offenders  found;         no 
Where  guilt  is,  rage,  and  courage  doth  abound. 
The  course  must  be,  to  let  'hem  still  swell  up, 
Riot,  and  surfet  on  blind  fortunes  cup; 
Give  'hem  more  place,  more  dignities,  more  stile, 
Call  'hem  to  court,  to  senate  :  in  the  while,        115 
Take  from  their  strength  some  one  or  twaine, 

or  more 

Of  the  maine  Fautors ;  (It  will  fright  the  store) 
And,  by  some  by-occasion.  Thus,  with  slight 
You  shall  disarme  first,  and  they  (in  night 
Of  their  ambition)  not  perceive  the  traine,          130 
Till,  in  the  ingine,  they  are  caught,  and  slaine. 

1 16  frincti.   G,  prinee'i.       ill   doik.  Q,  W,  C,  G,  both. 
119  dnarmt.  Q,  W,  C,  G,  diurme  them. 


SCENE  II.]  ^efaitUfif  69 

Tib.  We  would  not  kill,  if  we  knew  how  to 

save; 

Yet,  then  a  throne,  'tis  cheaper  give  a  grave. 
Is  there  no  way  to  bind  them  by  deserts? 

Sej.  Sir,  wolves  do  change  their  haire,  but  not 

their  harts.  J3S 

While  thus  your  thought  unto  a  meane  is  tied, 
You  neither  dare  inough,  nor  doe  provide. 
All  modestie  is  fond ;  and  chiefly  where 
The  subject  is  no  lesse  compeld  to  beare, 
Then  praise  his  sov'raignes  acts. 

Tib.  We  can  no  longer  140 

Keepe  on  our  masque  to  thee,  our  deare  Sejanus  ; 
Thy  thoughts  are  ours,  in  all,  and  we  but  proov'd 
Their  voice,  in  our  designes,  which  by  assent- 
ing 

Hath  more  confirm'd  us,  then  if  heartning  Jove 
Had,  from  his  hundred  statues,  bid  us  strike,      145 
And  at  the  stroke  clickt  all  his  marble  thumb's. 
But,  who  shall  first  be  strooke? 

Sej.  First,  Caius  Silius; 

He  is  the  most  of  marke,  and  most  of  danger  : 
In  power,  and  reputation  equall  strong, 
Having  commanded  an  imperiall  armie  150 

Seven  yeeres  together,  vanquish'd  Sacrovir 
In  Germanic,  and  thence  obtain'd  to  weare 
The  ornaments  triumphall.   His  steep  fall, 
By  how  much  it  doth  give  the  weightier  crack, 


70  Sriamis  (ACT  IL 

Will  send  more  wounding  terrour  to  the  rest,     '55 
Command  them  stand  aloofe,  and  give  more  way 
To  our  surprising  of  the  principal). 

Tib.  But  what,  Sabinus  ? 

Stj.  Let  him  grow  awhile, 

His  fate  is  not  yet  ripe  :  we  must  not  plucke 
At  all  together,  lest  wee  catch  our  selves.  *6o 

And  ther's  Arruntius  too,  he  only  talkes. 
But  Sosia,  Silius  wife,  would  be  wound  in 
Now,  for  she  hath  a  furie  in  her  brest 
More,  then  hell  ever  knew  ;  and  would  be  sent 
Thither  in  time.  Then,  is  there  one  Cremutiusi6s 
Cordus,  a  writing  fellow,  they  have  got 
To  gather  notes  of  the  precedent  times, 
And  make  them  into  Annal's ;  a  most  tart 
And  bitter  spirit  (I  heare)  who,  under  colour 
Of  praysing  those,  doth  taxe  the  present  state,  170 
Censures  the  men,  the  actions,  leaves  no  tricke, 
No  practice  un-examin'd,  paralels 
The  times,  the  governments,  a  profest  champion, 
For  the  old  libertie  — 

Tib.  A  perishing  wretch. 

As  if  there  were  that  chaos  bred  in  things,          175 
That  lawes,  and  libertie  would  not  rather  choose 
To  be  quite  broken,  and  tane  hence  by  us, 
Then  have  the  staine  to  be  preserv'd  by  such. 
Have  we  the  meanes,  to  make  these  guiltie,  first  ? 

1 66  Cor  Jut.    F3,  A,  Curdiui.  178  ttaixe.  C,  main. 


SCENE  n.j  £>efanu0  71 

Sej.   Trust   that   to   me :    let  Caesar,  by  his 

power,  1 80 

But  cause  a  formal!  meeting  of  the  Senate, 
I  will  have  matter,  and  accusers  readie. 

Tib.   But  how  ?  let  us  consult. 

Sej.  Wee  shall  mispend 

The  time  of  action.   Counsels  are  unfit 
In  businesse,  where  all  rest  is  more  pernicious   185 
Then  rashnesse  can  be.  Acts  of  this  close  kind 
Thrive  more  by  execution,  then  advice. 
There  is  no  lingring  in  that  worke  begun, 
Which  cannot  praised  be,  untill  through  done. 

Tib.   Our  edict  shall,  forthwith,  command  a 

court.  19° 

While  I  can  live,  I  will  prevent  earths  furie  : 
'E/xoii  Qavovros  yala  p.L^OrJT(j)  Trvpt.  [Exit.'] 

[Enter  Julius^  Postbumus  [to]   Sejanus. 

Post  humus.  My  lord  Sejanus  — 

Sej.  Julius  Posthumus, 

Come  with  my  wish  !  what  newes  from  Agrip- 
pina's  ? 

Pos.  Faith   none.  They  all  locke  up  them- 
selves a'late;  195 
Or  talke  in  character :  I  have  not  scene 
A  companie  so  chang'd.  Except  they  had 
Intelligence  by  augurie'  of  our  practice. 

Sej.   When  were  you  there  ? 

Pos.  Last  night. 


72  gjffanua  (ACT  ii. 

Sty.  And  what  ghests  found  you  ? 

Pos.  Sabinus,  Silius,  (the  olde  list,)  Arruntius,aoo 
Furnius,  and  Gallus. 

Sej.  Would  not  these  talke? 

Pos.  Little. 

And  yet  we  offered  choice  of  argument. 
Satrius  was  with  me. 

Sej.  Well:  'tis  guilt  inough 

Their  often  meeting.  You  forgot  t'extoll 
The  hospitable  ladie  ? 

Pos.  No,  that  tricke  «>5 

Was  well  put  home,  and  had  succeeded  too, 
But  that  Sabinus  cought  a  caution  out ; 
For  she  began  to  swell  : 

Sej.  And  may  she  burst. 

Julius,  I  would  have  you  goe  instantly, 
Unto  the  palace  of  the  great  Augusta,  aio 

And,  (by  your  kindest  friend,)  get  swift  Mutilia 

aCCCSSe  J  Priica. 

Acquaint  her,  with  these  meetings :    Tell  the 

words 

You  brought  me,  (th'other  day)  of  Silius, 
Adde  somewhat  to  'hem.   Make  her  understand 
The  danger  of  Sabinus,  and  the  times,  115 

Out  of  his  closenesse.   Give  Arruntius  words 
Of  malice  against  Caesar ;  so,  to  Gallus : 
But  (above  all)  to  Agrippina.  Say, 
(As  you  may  truely)  that  her  infinite  pride, 

211    Mutilia  Prhca.    In  F  by  1.  no.      214  Addt.   A,  And. 


SCENE  II.]  £>t\m\l8  73 

Propt  with  the  hopes  of  her  too  fruitfull  wombe,22o 

With  popular  studies  gapes  for  soveraigntie ; 

And  threatens  Caesar.   Pray  Augusta  then, 

That  for  her  owne,  great  Caesars,  and  the  pub- 

lique  safetie,  she  be  pleas'd  to  urge  these  dangers. 

Caesar  is  too  secure  (he  must  be  told,  "5 

And  best  hee'll  take  it  from  a  mothers  tongue.) 

Alas  !  what  is't  for  us  to  sound,  t'explore, 

To  watch,  oppose,  plot,  practise,  or  prevent, 

If  he,  for  whom  it  is  so  strongly  labour'd, 

Shall,  out  of  greatnesse,  and  free  spirit,  be  230 

Supinely  negligent?   Our  citi's  now 

Devided  as  in  time  o'  th'  civill  warre, 

And  men  forbeare  not  to  declare  themselves 

Of  Agrippina's  partie.   Every  day, 

The  faction  multiplies ;  and  will  doe  more  235 

If  not  resisted  :  you  can  best  inlarge  it 

As  you  find  audience.   Noble  Posthumus, 

Commend  me  to  your  Prisca:  and  pray  her, 

Shee  will  solicite  this  great  businesse 

To  earnest,  and  most  present  execution,  240 

With  all  her  utmost  credit  with  Augusta. 

Pos.   I  shall  not  faile  in  my  instructions. 

[£**.] 

Sej.  This  second  (from  his  mother)  will  well 
urge 

223-224  pub-liquc.    A,  W,  C  do  not  divide,  but  place  whole 
word  at  end  of  1.  223. 


74  £>rfanu0 

Our  late  designe,  and  spur  on  Caesars  rage  : 
Which  else  might  grow  remisse.  The  way,  to 

put  H5 

A  prince  in  bloud,  is  to  present  the  shapes 
Of  dangers,  greater  then  they  are  (like  late, 
Or  early  shadowes)  and,  sometimes,  to  faine 
Where  there  are  none,  onely,  to  make  him  feare; 
His  feare  will  make  him  cruell :  And  once  en- 

tred,  >s° 

He  doth  not  easily  learne  to  stop,  or  spare 
Where  he  may  doubt.  This  have  I   made  my 

rule, 

To  thrust  Tiberius  into  tyrannic, 
And  make  him  toile,  to  turne  aside  those  blockes, 
Which  I  alone,  could  not  remoove  with  safetie. 255 
Drusus  once  gone,  Germanicus  three  sonnes 
Would  clog  my  way ;  whose  guardes  have  too 

much  faith 

To  be  corrupted  :  and  their  mother  knowne 
Of  too-too  unreproov'd  a  chastitie, 
To  be  attempted,  as  light  Livia  was.  160 

Worke  then,  my  art,  on  Caesar's  feares,  as  they 
On  those  they  feare,  till  all  my  [1]  etts  be  clear'd : 
And  he  in  ruines  of  his  house,  and  hate 
Of  all  his  subjects,  bury  his  owne  state  : 
When,  with  my  peace,  and  safty,  I  will  rise,      165 
By  making  him  the  publike  sacrifice.       [£.*•//.] 

261  Ittti.   F,  Fa,  Fj,  A,  beta. 


SCENE  in.]  *&efantl$  75 

[SCENE  III.   A  Room  in  Agrippina's  House. 
Enter]  Satrius,  [and]  Natta. 

Satrius.  They'  are  growne  exceeding  circum- 
spect, and  wary. 
Natta.  They  have  us  in  the  wind :  And  yet, 

Arruntius 
Cannot  contayn  himselfe. 

Sat.  Tut,  hee's  not  yet 

Look'd  after,  there  are  others  more  desir'd, 
That  are  more  silent. 

Nat.  Here  he  comes.  Away.       5 

[Exeunt.] 

[Enter]  Sabinus,  Arruntius,  [and]   Cordus. 
Sabinus.   How  is  it,  that  these  beagles  haunt 

the  house 
Of  Agrippina  ? 

Arruntius.          O,  they  hunt,  they  hunt. 
There  is  some  game  here  lodg'd,  which  they 

must  rouse, 
To  make  the  great-ones  sport. 

Cordus.  Did  you  observe 

How  they  inveigh'd  'gainst  Caesar  ? 

Arr.  I,  baytes,  baytes,  10 

For  us  to  bite  at :  would  I  have  my  flesh 
Tome  by  the  publique  hooke,  these  qualified 

hang-men 
Should  be  my  company. 


76 

Cor.  Here  comes  another. 

\Domitius  Afer  panes  over  the  stage,] 

Arr.  I,  there's  a  man,  Afer  the  oratour  ! 
One,  that  hath  phrases,  figures,  and  fine  flowres,  15 
To  strew  his  rethorique  with,  and  doth  make  haste 
To  get  him  note,  or  name,  by  any  offer 
Where  bloud,  or  gaine  be  objects ;  steepes  his 

wordes, 

When  he  would  kill,  in  artificial!  teares : 
The  Crocodile  of  Tyber !  him  I  love,  10 

That  man  is  mine.   He  hath  my  heart,  and  voice, 
When  I  would  curse,  he,  he. 

Sab.  Contemne  the  slaves, 

Their  present  lives  will  be  their  future  graves. 

[Exeunt] 

[SCENE  IV.   Another  Apartment  in  the  same. 
Enter]  Silius,  Agrippina,  Nero,  [and]  Sosia. 

Silius.  May't  please  your  highnesse  not  for- 
get your  selfe, 

I  dare  not,  with  my  manners,  to  attempt 
Your  trouble  farder. 

Agrippina.  Farewell,  noble  Silius. 

Si/.  Most  royall  princesse. 

Agr.  Sosia  stayes  with  us? 

Si/.  Shee  is  your  servant,  and  doth  owe  your 

grace  5 

An  honest,  but  unprofitable  love. 


SCENE  IV.]  g>efaitU$  77 

Agr.   How    can    that    be,    when    there's   no 
gaine,  but  vertuous  ? 

Sil.  You  take  the  morall,  not  the  politique  sense. 
I  meant,  as  shee  is  bold,  and  free  of  speech, 
Earnest  to  utter  what  her  zealous  thought  10 

Travailes  withall,  in  honour  of  your  house  ; 
Which  act,  as  it  is  simply  borne  in  her, 
Pertakes  of  love,  and  honesty,  but  may, 
By  th'over-often,  and  unseason'd  use, 
Turne  to  your  losse,  and  danger  :  For  your  state,  15 
Is  wayted  on  by  envies,  as  by  eyes  ; 
And  every  second  ghest  your  tables  take, 
Is  a  fee'd  spie,  t'observe  who  goes,  who  comes, 
What  conference  you  have,  with  whom,  where, 

when, 
What   the   discourse  is,  what  the   lookes,  the 

thoughts  ao 

Of  ev'ry  person  there,  they  doe  extract, 
And  make  into  a  substance. 

Agr.  Heare  me,  Silius, 

Were  all  Tiberius  body  stuck  with  eyes, 
And  ev'ry  wall,  and  hanging  in  my  house 
Transparent,  as  this  lawne  I  weare,  or  ayre;        25 
Yea,  had  Sejanus  both  his  eares  as  long 
As  to  my  in-most  closet :  I  would  hate 
To  whisper  any  thought,  or  change  an  act, 
To  be  made  Juno's  rivall.  Vertues  forces 
Shew  ever  noblest  in  conspicuous  courses.  30 

7  -virtuous.     Q,  G,  vertu's. 


78  ferjanutf  [ACT  n. 

Si/.  'Tis  great,  and  bravely  spoken,  like  the 

spirit 

Of  Agrippina :  yet,  your  highnesse  knowes, 
There  is  nor  losse,  nor  shame  in  providence  : 
Few  can,  what  all  should  doe,  beware  inough. 
You  may  perceive  with  what  officious  face,          35 
Satrius,  and  Natta,  Afer,  and  the  rest 
Visite  your  house,  of  late,  t'enquire  the  secrets; 
And  with  what  bold,  and  priviledg'd  arte,  they 

raile 

Against  Augusta:  yea,  and  at  Tiberius, 
Tell  tricks  of  Livia,  and  Sejanus,  all  4° 

T'excite,  and  call  your  indignation  on, 
That  they  might  heare  it  at  more  libertie. 

Agr.  Yo'are  too  suspitious,  Silius. 

Sil.  Pray  the  gods, 

I  be  so  Agrippina:  But  I  feare 
Some  subtill  practice.  They,  that  durst  to  strike  45 
At  so  examp-lesse,  and  un-blam'd  a  life, 
As,  that  of  the  renown'd  Germanicus, 
Will  not  sit  downe,  with  that  exploit  alone : 
"  He  threatens  many,  that  hath  injur'd  one. 

Nero.  'Twere  best  rip   forth  their  tongues, 

scare  out  their  eies,  50 

When  next  they  come. 

Sosia.  A  fit  reward  for  spies. 

\Enter^Drusus ju[nior]:  \to\  Agrippina,  Nero,  Silius. 

Drusus jun.  Heare  you  the  rumour? 

33  nor  lout.   A,  not  Ion.  38   tuhat.    Fj,  A,  that. 


SCENE  IV.]  £>0fattUfl!  79 

Agr.  What  ? 

Dru.  jun.  Drusus  is  dying. 

Agr.  Dying? 

Ner.          That's  strange  ! 

Agr.  Yo'  were  with  him,  yesternight. 

Dru.  jun.  One  met  Eudemus,  the  Physician, 
Sent  for,  but  now :  who  thinkes  he  cannot  live.  55 

Sil.    Thinkes  ?    if't   be    arriv'd    at    that,    he 

knowes, 
Or  none. 

Agr.          This's  quicke  !  what  should  bee  his 
disease  ? 

Sil.  Poyson.   Poyson  — 

Agr.  How,  Silius ! 

Ner.  What's  that  ? 

Sil.  Nay,  nothing.  There  was  (late)  a  certaine 

blow 
Giv'n  o'the  face. 

Ner.  I,  to  Sejanus  ? 

Sil.  True.  60 

Dru.  jun.          And,  what  of  that  ? 

Sil.  I'am  glad  I  gave  it  not. 

Ner.  But,  there  is  somewhat  else  ? 

Sil.  Yes,  private  meetings, 

With  a  great  ladie,  at  a  physicians, 
And,  a  wife  turn'd  away  — 

Ner.  Ha ! 

57   TAis's.   G,  "Tis.  63  ladie.   G  inserts  sir  after  this. 


go  £>ffanu$  (ACT  n. 

Sil.  Toyes,  meere  toyes : 

What  wisdom's  now  i'th'  streets  ?  i'th'  common 

mouth  ?  65 

Dru.  jun.  Feares,  whisp'rings,  tumults,  noyse, 

I  know  not  what : 
They  say,  the  Senate  sit. 

Si/.  Tie  thither,  straight ; 

And  see  what's  in  the  forge. 

Agr.  Good  Silius,  doe, 

Sosia,  and  I  will  in. 

Si/.  Haste  you,  my  lords, 

To  visit  the  sicke  prince :  tender  your  loves,        70 
And  sorrowes  to  the  people.  This  Sejanus 
(Trust  my  divining  soule)  hath  plots  on  all : 
No  tree,  that  stops  his  prospect,  but  must  fall. 

[Exeunt.] 

Chorus  —  Of  Musicians. 
67  tit.   Fa,  F3,  A,  «it». 


ACT  III. 

[SCENE  I.]    The  Senate. 

Sejanus,  Ibarra,  Latiaris,  Cotta,  Afer,  [Sabi- 
nus^\  Gallus,  Lepidus,  Arruntius,  Prcecones, 
Lictores. 

Sejanus.  Tis  only  you  must  urge  against  him, 

Varro, 

Nor  I,  nor  Caesar  may  appeare  therein, 
Except  in  your  defence,  who  are  the  Consul : 
And,  under  colour  of  late  en'mitie 
Betweene  your  father,  and  his,  may  better  doe  it, 
As  free  from  all  suspition  of  a  practice. 
Here  be  your  notes,  what  points  to  touch  at ; 

read : 
Bee  cunning  in  them.  Afer  ha's  them  too. 

Varro.   But  is  he  summon'd  ? 

Sej.  No.   It  was  debated 

By  Caesar,  and  concluded  as  most  fit 
To  take  him  unprepar'd. 

Afer.  And  prosecute 

All  under  name  of  treason. 

Var.  I  conceive. 

Sabinus.    Drusus  being  dead,  Caesar  will  not 
be  here. 

Gallus.   What   should   the   businesse  of  this 
Senate  bee  ? 

1 1   take  him.    F,  him  take. 


8i  £>rfanu0  (ACT  UL 

Arruntius.  That  can  my    subtile  whisperers 

tell  you  :  We,  15 

That  are  the  good-dull-noble  lookers  on, 
Are  only  call'd  to  keepe  the  marble  warme. 
What  should  we  doe  with  those  deepc  mysteries, 
Proper  to  these  fine  heads  ?  let  them  alone. 
Our  ignorance  may,  perchance,  helpe  us  be  sav'd  ao 
From  whips,  and  furies. 

Gal.  See,  see,  see,  their  action  ! 

Arr.  I,  now  their  heads  doe  travaile,  now  they 

worke ; 

Their  faces  runne  like  shittles,  they  are  weaving 
Some  curious  cobweb  to  catch  flyes. 

Sab.  Observe, 

They  take  their  places. 

Arr.  What  so  low  ? 

Gal.  O  yes,  15 

They  must  be  scene  to  flatter  Caesars  griefe 
Though  but  in  sitting. 

Var.  Bid  us  silence. 

Praco.  Silence. 

Var.   Fathers    Conscript,  may  this  our  present 

meeting 
Turne  fa  ire,  and  fortunate  to  the  Common-wealth. 

[Enter]  Silius,  [to  tbe~\  Senate. 
See,  Silius  enters.  [Speaks  to  Lictors.'] 

aa  rravai/e.    Fi,  F$,  A,  tmvell. 

30  See,  Siiiut  enter  t.    W,  C,  G  assign  this  to  Sej. 


83 

Stilus.  Haile  grave  Fathers. 

Lictor.  Stand.   3° 

Silius,  forbeare  thy  place. 

Senator.  How ! 

Pra.  Silius  stand  forth, 

The  Consul  hath  to  charge  thee. 

Lie.  Roome  for  Caesar. 

Arr.  Is   he   come  too  ?   nay  then  expect   a 
tricke. 

Sab.  Silius    accus'd  ?    sure    he  will    answere 
nobly. 
\Enter~\   Tiberius,  [to  tbe~\  Senate. 

Tiberius.  We  stand  amazed,  Fathers,  to  be- 
hold 35 
This  generall  dejection.  Wherefore  sit 
Romes  Consuls  thus  dissolv'd,  as  they  had  lost 
All  the  remembrance  both  of  stile,  and  place  ? 
It  not  becomes.  No  woes  are  of  fit  waight, 
To  make  the  honour  of  the  empire  stoope  :          40 
Though  I,  in  my  peculiar  selfe,  may  meete 
Just  reprehension,  that  so  suddenly, 
And,  in   so    fresh    a   griefe,   would    greet    the 

Senate, 

When  private  tongues,  of  kinsmen,  and  allies, 
(Inspir'd  with  comforts)  lothly  are  indur'd,  45 

The  face  of  men  not  scene,  and  scarce  the  day, 
To  thousands,  that  communicate  our  losse. 
Nor  can  I  argue  these  of  weaknesse  j  since 


84  £>rfanua  (ACT  m 

They  take  but  natural!  wayes  :  yet  I  must  seeke 
For  stronger  aides,  and  those  faire  helpes  draw 

out  50 

From  warme  imbraces  of  the  common-wealth. 
Our   mother,  great   Augusta,  'is   strooke   with 

time, 

Our  selfe  imprest  with  aged  characters, 
Drusus  is  gone,  his  children  young,  and  babes, 
Our  aimes  must  now  reflect  on  those,  that  may  55 
Give  timely  succour  to  these  present  ills, 
And  are  our  only  glad-surviving  hopes, 
The  noble  issue  of  Germanicus, 
Nero,  and  Drusus :  might  it  please  the  Consul 
Honour  them  in,  (they  both  attend  without.)        60 
I  would  present  them  to  the  Senates  care, 
And  raise  those  sunnes  of  joy,  that  should  drinke 

up 
These  flouds  of  sorrow,  in  your  drowned  eyes. 

Arr.   By  Jove,  I  am  not  Oedipus  inough, 
To  understand  this  Sphynx. 

Sab.  The  princes  come.  65 

[Enter  to]    Tiberius,  Nero,   [jW]  Drusus  junior. 

Tib.  Approch  you  noble  Nero,  noble  Drusus, 
These  princes,  Fathers,  when  their  parent  dyed, 
I  gave  unto  their  uncle,  with  this  prayer, 


51  'it  ttrooke.    W,  C,  G,  '«  itruck. 
62   iunnti.   Q,  springs  ;   F3,  A,  tunu. 


drinki  up.    Q,  exhaust. 


i.]  &efanu0  85 

That,  though  h'had  proper  issue  of  his  owne, 
He  would  no  lesse  bring  up,  and  foster  these,      70 
Then  that  selfe-bloud;  and  by  that  act  confirme 
Their  worths  to  him,  and  to  posteritie : 
Drusus  tane  hence,  I  turne  my  prayers  to  you, 
And,  'fore  our  countrie,  and  our  gods,  beseech 
You  take,  and  rule  Augustus  nephewes  sonnes,  75 
Sprung  of  the  noblest  ancestors ;  and  so 
Accomplish  both  my  dutie,  and  your  owne. 
Nero,  and  Drusus,  these  shall  be  to  you 
In  place  of  parents,  these  your  fathers,  these, 
And  not  unfitly :  For  you  are  so  borne,  80 

As  all  your  good,  or  ill's  the  common-wealths. 
Receyve  them,  you  strong  guardians ;  and  blest 

gods, 

Make  all  their  actions  answere  to  their  blouds : 
Let  their  great  titles  find  increase  by  them, 
Not  they  by  titles.  Set  them,  as  in  place,  85 

So  in  example,  above  all  the  Romanes  : 
And  may  they  know  no  rivals,  but  themselves. 
Let  fortune  give  them  nothing  ;  but  attend 
Upon  their  vertue  :  and  that  still  come  forth 
Greater  then  hope,  and  better  then  their  fame.      90 
Relieve  me,  Fathers,  with  your  generall  voyce. 
Senators.   May  all  the  pods  consent  to  Cae-        ,  c 

, J  A  forme 

Sar's  Wish,  ofspeak- 

And  adde  to  any  honours,  that  may  crowne  tns  they 

The  hopeful/  issue  of  Germanicus. 

92  Senators.    Q,  F,  throughout  scene,  only  Sen. 


86  £>ffanu0  (ACT  m. 

Tib.   We  thanke  you,  reverend  Fathers,  in 

their  right.  95 

Arr.  \as\de\.  If  this  were  true  now  !  but  the 

space,  the  space 

Betweene  the  brest,  and  lips  —  Tiberius  heart 
Lyes  a  thought  farder,  then  another  mans. 

Tib.  My  comforts  are  so  flowing  in  myjoyes, 
As,  in  them,  all  my  streames  of  griefe  are  lost,    100 
No  lesse  then  are  land-waters  in  the  sea, 
Or  showres  in  rivers ;  though  their  cause  was 

such, 

As  might  have  sprinkled  ev'n  the  gods  with  teares : 
Yet  since  the  greater  doth  embrace  the  lesse, 
We  covetously  obey. 

(y/rr.  Well  acted,  Caesar.)        105 

Tib.  And,  now  I  am  the  happy  witnesse  made 
Of  your  so  much  desir'd  affections, 
To  this  great  issue,  I  could  wish,  the  fates 
Would  here  set  peacefull  period  to  my  dayes ; 
How  ever,  to  my  labours,  I  intreat  no 

(And  beg  it  of  this  Senate)  some  fit  ease. 

(Arr.  Laugh,  Fathers,  laugh  :     Ha'  you  no 
spleenes  about  you  ?) 

Tib.  The  burden  is  too  heavy,  I  sustayne 
On  my  unwilling  shoulders ;  and  I  pray 
It  may  be  taken  off,  and  re-confer'd  "5 

Upon  the  Consuls,  or  some  other  Romane, 
More  able,  and  more  worthy. 


SCENE  I.]  &t\m\l8  87 

(Arr.  Laugh  on,  still.) 

Sab.  Why,  this  doth  render  all  the  rest  sus- 
pected ! 

Gal.   It  poysons  all. 

Arr.  O,  do'  you  taste  it  then  ? 

Sab.   It  takes  away  my  faith  to  any  thing        1*0 
He  shall  hereafter  speake. 

Arr.  I,  to  pray  that, 

Which  would  be  to  his  head  as  hot  as  thunder, 
(Gain'st  which  he  weares  that  charme)        A  wreath 
should  but  the  court  oflaurell. 

Receive  him  at  his  word. 

Gal.  Heare. 

Tib.  For  my  selfe, 

I  know  my  weakenesse,  and  so  little  covet          125 
(Like  some  gone  past)  the  waight  that  will  op- 

presse  me, 
As  my  ambition  is  the  counter-point. 

(Arr.  Finely  maintain' d  ;  good  still.) 

Sej.  But  Rome,  whose  bloud, 

Whose  nerves,  whose  life,  whose  very  frame 

relyes 
On  Caesar's  strength,  no  lesse  then  heav'n  on 

Atlas,  '3° 

Cannot  admit  it  but  with  generall  ruine. 

(Arr.  Ah  !  are  you  there,  to  bring  him  of?) 

Sej.  Let  Caesar 

No  more  then  urge  a  point  so  contrary 

133   then.    F3,  A,  than. 


88  fi>ffanu0 

To    Caesars    greatnesse,    the   griev'd    Senates 

vowes, 
Or  Romes  necessitie. 

(Gal.  He  comes  about.  135 

Arr.   More  nimbly  then  Vertumnus.) 

Tib.  For  the  publique, 

I  may  be  drawne,  to  shew,  I  can  neglect 
All  private  aymes ;  though  I  affect  my  rest : 
But,  if  the  Senate  still  command  me  serve, 
I  must  be  glad  to  practise  my  obedience.  140 

(Arr.  You  must,  and  will,  sir.  We  doe  know 
it.) 

Sen.  Caesar, 

Live  long,  and  happy,  great,  and  royall  Cae-      Anotktr 
sar,  formt- 

The  gods  preserve  thee,  and  thy  modestie, 
Thy  wisedome,  and  thy  innocence. 

(Arr.  Where  is't? 

The  prayer's  made  before  the  subject.) 

Sen.  Guard  145 

Hit  meekenesse,  Jove,  his  pietie,  his  care, 
His  bountie — 

Arr.  [aside\ .  And  his  subtlety,  I'le  put  in  : 
Yet  hee'll  keepe  that  himselfe,  without  the  gods. 
All  prayer's  are  vaine  for  him. 

Tib.  We  will  not  hold 

Your  patience,  Fathers,  with  long  an s were ;  buti$o 
Shall  still  contend  to  be,  what  you  desire, 


i.]  £>efanu0  89 

And  worke  to  satisfie  so  great  a  hope : 
Proceed  to  your  affaires. 

Arr.  \aside\ .  Now,  Silius,  guard  thee  ; 

The  curtin's  drawing.  Afer  advanceth. 

Free.  Silence. 

Afe.  Cite  Caius  Silius. 

Pra.  Caius  Silius. 

Sil.  Here,  i ss 

Afe.  The  triumph  that  thou  hadst  in  Ger- 
manic 

For  thy  late  victorie  on  Sacrovir, 
Thou  hast  enjoy'd  so  freely,  Caius  Silius, 
As  no  man  it  envy'd  thee;  nor  would  Caesar, 
Or  Rome  admit,  that  thou  wert  then  defrauded  1 60 
Of  any  honours,  thy  deserts  could  clayme, 
In  the  faire  service  of  the  common-wealth  : 
But  now,  if,  after  all  their  loves,  and  graces, 
(Thy  actions,  and  their  courses  being  discover'd) 
It  shall  appeare  to  Caesar,  and  this  Senate,          165 
Thou  hast  defiFd  those  glories,  with  thy  crimes  — 

Sil.  Crimes? 

Afe.  Patience,  Silius. 

Sil.  Tell  thy  moile  of  patience, 

I'am  a  Romane.    What  are  my  crimes  ?  Pro- 

claime  them. 

Am  I  too  rich  ?  too  honest  for  the  times  ? 
Have  I  or  treasure,  jewels,  land,  or  houses          170 

167  moile.   G,  mule.  170  or  treasure.    A  omits  or. 


90  £>rfanu0 

That  some  informer  gapes  for  ?  Is  my  strength 
Too  much  to  be  admitted  ?  Or  my  knowledge  ? 
These  now  are  crimes. 

Aft.  Nay,  Silius,  if  the  name 

Of  crime  so  touch  thee,  with  what  impotence 
Wilt  thou  endure  the  matter  to  be  search'd  ?       175 

&'/.  I  tell  thee,  Afer,  with  more  scorne,  then 

feare : 

Employ  your  mercenarie  tongue,  and  arte. 
Where's  my  accuser  ? 

Var.  Here. 

Arr.  [aside] .  Varro  ?  The  Consul  ? 

Is  he  thrust  in  ? 

Var.  'Tis  I  accuse  thee,  Silius. 

Against  the  majestic  of  Rome,  and  Caesar,          180 
I  doe  pronounce  thee  here  a  guiltie  cause, 
First,  of  beginning,  and  occasioning, 
Next,  drawing  out  the  warre  in  Gallia, 
For  which  thou  late  triumph'st;  dissembling  long 
That  Sacrovir  to  be  an  enemie,  185 

Only  to  make  thy  entertainement  more, 
Whil'st  thou,  and  thy  wife  Sosia  polPd  the  pro- 
vince ; 

Wherein,  with  sordide-base  desire  of  gaine, 
Thou  hast  discredited  thy  actions  worth 
And  beene  a  traytor  to  the  state. 

Sil.  Thou  lyest.     19° 

Arr.  [aside] .   I  thanke  thee,  Silius,  speake  so 
still,  and  often. 


.]  £>efamt$  91 

Var.   If  I  not  prove  it,  Caesar,  but  injustly 
Have  call'd  him  into  tryall,  here  I  bind 
My  selfe  to  suffer,  what  I  claime  'gainst  him  ; 
And  yeeld,  to  have  what  I  have  spoke,  confirm'd  195 
By  judgement  of  the  court,  and  all  good  men. 

Si!.  Caesar,  I  crave  to  have  my  cause  defer'd, 
Till  this  mans  Consulship  be  out. 

Tib.  We  cannot, 

Nor  may  we  graunt  it. 

Si/.  Why?  shall  he  designe 

My  day  of  triall  ?  is  he  my  accuser  ?  20o 

And  must  he  be  my  judge  ? 

Tib.  It  hath  beene  usuall, 

And  is  a  right,  that  custome  hath  allow'd 
The  magistrate,  to  call  forth  private  men ; 
And  to  appoint  their  day  :  Which  priviledge 
We  may  not  in  the  Consul  see  infring'd,  *°5 

By  whose  deepe  watches,  and  industrious  care 
It  is  so  labour'd,  as  the  common-wealth 
Receive  no  losse,  by  any  oblique  course. 

Sil.   Caesar,  thy  fraud  is  worse  then  violence. 

Tib.  Silius,  mistake  us  not,  we  dare  not  use  210 
The  credit  of  the  Consul,  to  thy  wrong, 
But  only  doe  preserve  his  place,  and  power, 
So  farre  as  it  concernes  the  dignitie, 
And  honor  of  the  state. 

Arr.  Beleeve  him,  Silius. 

194  'gainst.    W,  C,  G,  against. 


92  &rfanu0  (ACT  IIL 

Cotta.   Why,  so  he  may,  Arruntius. 

Arr.  I  say  so.  1 1 5 

And  he  may  choose  too. 

Tib.  By  the  capitoll, 

And  all  our  gods,  but  that  the  deare  republick, 
Our  sacred  lawes,  and  just  authoritie 
Are  interess'd  therein,  I  should  be  silent. 

Afe.   Please'  Caesar  to  give  way  unto  his  tryall.  no 
He  shall  have  justice. 

Si/.  Nay,  I  shall  have  law ; 

Shall  I  not  Afer  ?  speake. 

Afe.  Would  you  have  m  [ore  ?] 

Sil.  No,  my  well-spoken   man,   I    would   no 

more; 

Nor  lesse :  might  I  injoy  it  natural!, 
Not  taught  to  speake  unto  your  present  ends,     115 
Free  from  thine,  his,  and  all  your  unkind  hand- 
ling, 

Furious  enforcing,  most  unjust  presuming, 
Malicious,  and  manifold  applying, 
Foule  wresting,  and  impossible  construction. 

Afe.   He  raves,  he  raves. 

Si/.  Thou  durst  not  tell  me  50,130 

Had'st  thou  not  Caesars  warrant.    I  can  see 
Whose  power  condemnes  me. 

ail  morif    In  F,  the  letten  after  m  hive  disappeared.    Query, 
mo  or  mart  > 

zi;    Not,    A,  Nor. 


SCENE  I.]  ^efattUB  93 

Var.  This  betrayes  his  spirit. 

This  doth  inough  declare  him  what  he  is. 

SiL  What  am  I  ?  speake. 

Var.  An  enemie  to  the  state. 

&7.  Because  I  am  an  enemie  to  thee,  235 

And  such  corrupted  ministers  o'the  state, 
That  here  art  made  a  present  instrument 
To  gratifie  it  with  thine  owne  disgrace. 

Sej.  This,  to  the  Consul,  is  most  insolent ! 
And  impious  ! 

Sil.  I,  take  part.    Reveale  your  selves.  240 

Alas,  I  sent  not  your  confed'racies  ? 
Your  plots,  and  combinations  ?  I  not  know 
Minion  Sejanus  hates  me ;  and  that  all 
This  boast  of  law,  and  law,  is  but  a  forme, 
A  net  of  Vulcanes  filing,  a  meere  ingine,  245 

To  take  that  life  by  a  pretext  of  justice, 
Which  you  pursue  in  malice?  I  want  braine, 
Or  nostrill  to  perswade  me,  that  your  ends, 
And  purposes  are  made  to  what  they  are, 
Before  my  answere  ?   O,  you  equall  gods,  250 

Whose  justice  not  a  world  of  wolfe-turn'd  men 
Shall  make  me  to  accuse  (how  ere  provoke) 
Have  I  for  this  so  oft  engag'd  my  selfe  ? 
Stood  in  the  heate,  and  fervor  of  a  fight, 
When  Phoebus  sooner  hath  forsooke  the  day      255 
Then  I  the  field  ?  Against  the  blue-ey'd  Gaules  ? 

236  o'the.   Q,  of  the.          252  provoke.   W,  C,  G,  provoked. 


94  &t  fanu*  [ACT  in. 

And    crisped    Germanes  ?   when   our    Romane 

Eagles 

Have  fann'd  the  fire,  with  their  labouring  wings, 
And  no  blow  dealt,  that  left  not  death  behind 

it? 

When  I  have  charg'd,  alone,  into  the  troopes     *6o 
Of  curl'd  Sicambrians,  routed  them,  and  came 
Not  off,  with  backward  ensignes  of  a  slave, 
But  forward  markes,  wounds  on  my  brest,  and 

face, 

Were  meant  to  thee,  6  Caesar,  and  thy  Rome  ? 
And  have  I  this  returne  ?  did  I,  for  this,  165 

Performe  so  noble,  and  so  brave  defeate, 
On  Sacrovir  ?  (6  Jove,  let  it  become  me 
To  boast  my  deedes,  when  he,  whom  they  con- 

cerne, 
Shall  thus  forget  them.) 

Afe.  Silius,  Silius, 

These  are  the  common  customes  of  thy  bloud,  27° 
When  it  is  high  with  wine,  as  now  with  rage : 
This  well  agrees,  with  that  intemperate  vaunt, 
Thou  lately  mad'st  at  Agrippina's  table, 
That  when  all  other  of  the  troopes  were  prone 
To  fall  into  rebellion,  only  yours  175 

Remain'd  in  their  obedience.  You  were  he, 

165  returne.   F$,  A,  rcturn'd. 

175  yourt.  Q,  W,  C,  G,  thine. 

176  You  were   Q,  W,  C,  G,  Thou  wert. 


SCENI  i.]  £>efamt0  95 

That  sav'd  the  empire  ;  which  had  then  beene 

lost, 

Had  but  your  legions,  there,  rebell'd,  or  mutin'd. 
Your  vertue  met,  and  fronted  every  perill. 
You  gave  to  Caesar,  and  to  Rome  their  surety.  280 
Their  name,  their  strength,  their  spirit,  and  their 

state, 
Their  being  was  a  donative  from  you. 

Arr.  Well  worded,  and  most  like  an  Orator. 

Tib,   Is  this  true,  Silius  ? 

Sil.  Save  thy  question,  Caesar. 

Thy  spie,  of  famous  credit,  hath  amrm'd  it.        285 

Arr.  Excellent  Romane  ! 

Sab.  He  doth  answere  stoutly. 

Sej.  If  this  be  so,  there  needes  no  farder  cause 
Of  crime  against  him. 

Var.  What  can  more  impeach 

The  royall  dignitie,  and  state  of  Caesar, 
Then  to  be  urged  with  a  benefit  190 

He  cannot  pay  ? 

Cot.  In  this,  all  Caesars  fortune 

Is  made  unequall  to  the  courtesie. 

Latiaris.     His  meanes  are  cleane  destroy'd, 
that  should  requite. 

Gal.   Nothing  is  great  inough  for  Silius  merit. 

277  sav'J.   Q,  sav'dst.  278  your.   Q,  W,  C,  G,  thy. 

279  Tour.   Q,  W,  C,  G,  Thy. 

280  You  gave.  Q,  W,  C,  G,  Thou  gav'st. 

282  you.   Q,  W,  C,  G,  thee.  287  farder.   C,  other. 


96  ferfanu*  (ACT  m. 

Arr.  [aside] .   Gallus  on  that  side  to  ? 
Si/.  Come,  doe  not  hunt,  195 

And  labour  so  about  for  circumstance, 
To   make   him   guiltie,  whom  you   have   fore- 

doom'd  : 

Take  shorter  wayes,  Tie  meet  your  purposes. 
The  wordes  were  mine,  and  more  I  now  will 

say  : 

Since  I  have  done  thee  that  great  service,  Caesar,  300 
Thou  still  hast  fear'd  me  ;  and,  in  place  of  grace, 
Return'd  me  hatred  :  so  soone,  all  best  turnes, 
With  doubtfull  Princes,  turne  deepe  injuries 
In  estimation,  when  they  greater  rise, 
Then  can  be  answer'd.   Benefits,  with  you,         305 
Are  of  no  longer  pleasure,  then  you  can 
With  ease  restore  them  ;  that  transcended  once, 
Your  studies  are  not  how  to  thanke,  but  kill. 
It  is  your  nature,  to  have  all  men  slaves 
To  you,  but  you  acknowledging  to  none.  310 

The  meanes  that  makes  your  greatnesse,  must 

not  come 

In  mention  of  it ;  if  it  doe,  it  takes 
So  much  away,  you  thinke :    and  that,  which 

help'd, 

Shall  soonest  perish,  if  it  stand  in  eye, 
Where  it  may  front,  or  but  upbraid  the  high.      3' 5 

303   Wnk  .  .  .  injuritt.  Q,  With  Princes,  do  conrert  to  injuries. 
311   makti.   Q.  W,  C,  G,  make. 


scrNE  LI  £>efanu0  97 

Cot.  Suffer  him  speake  no  more. 

Var.  Note  but  his  spirit. 

Afe.   This  shewes  him  in  the  rest. 

Lot.  Let  him  be  censur'd. 

Sej.   He'  hath  spoke  inough  to  prove  him  Cae- 
sars foe. 

Cot.  His  thoughts  looke  through  his  words. 

Sej.  A  censure. 

Si/.  Stay, 

Stay,  most  officious  Senate,  I  shall  straight          320 
Delude  thy  furie.   Silius  hath  not  plac'd 
His  guards  within  him,  against  fortunes  spight, 
So  weakely,  but  he  can  escape  your  gripe 
That  are  but  hands  of  fortune :  Shee  her  selfe 
When  vertue  doth  oppose,  must  lose  her  threats.  325 
All  that  can  happen  in  humanitie, 
The  frowne  of  Caesar,  proud  Sejanus  hatred, 
Base    Varro's    spleene,     and  Afers     bloudying 

tongue, 

The  Senates  servile  flatterie,  and  these 
Mustred  to  kill,  I'am  fortified  against;  330 

And  can  looke  downe  upon  :  they  are  beneath  me. 
It  is  not  life  whereof  I  stand  enamour'd  : 
Nor  shall  my  end  make  me  accuse  my  fate. 
The  coward,  and  the  valiant  man  must  fall, 
Only  the  cause,  and    manner  how,   discernes 

them :  335 

317  Lot.    .   .    .   censured.    C  places  this  after  next  line. 


98  £>rfanu0  (ACT  IIL 

Which   then  are   gladdest,  when   they   cost  us 

dearest. 

Romanes,  if  any  here  be  in  this  Senate, 
Would  know  to  mock  Tiberius  tyrannic, 
Looke  upon  Silius,  and  so  learne  to  die. 

[Stats  himself.] 

Var.  O,  desperate  act ! 
Arr.  An  honorable  hand  !    340 

Tib.  Looke,  is  he  dead? 

Sab.  'Twas  nobly  strooke,  and  home. 

Arr.   My  thought  did  prompt  him  to  it.  Fare- 
well, Silius. 
Be  famous  ever  for  thy  great  example. 

Tib.   We  are  not  pleas'd,  in  this  sad  accident, 
That  thus  hath  stalled,  and  abus'd  our  mercy,   345 
Intended  to  preserve  thee,  noble  Romane : 
And  to  prevent  thy  hopes. 

Arr.  [aside].  Excellent  wolfe  ! 

Now  he  is  full,  he  howles. 

Sej.  Caesar  doth  wrong 

His  dignitie,  and  safetie,  thus  to  mourne 
The  deserv'd  end  of  so  profest  a  traytor,  350 

And  doth,  by  this  his  lenitie,  instruct 
Others  as  factious,  to  the  like  offence. 

Tib.  The  confiscation  meerely  of  his  state 
Had  beene  inough. 

Arr.  [asidf].        O,  that  was  gap'd  for  then  ? 

Var.  Remove  the  body. 


SCENE  I.]  ^faiTUS  99 

Sej.  Let  citation  355 

Goe  out  for  Sosia. 

Gal.  Let  her  be  proscrib'd. 

And  for  the  goods,  I  thinke  it  fit  that  halfe 
Goe  to  the  treasure,  halfe  unto  the  children. 

Lepidus.    With    leave    of  Caesar,    I    would 

thinke,  that  fourth 

Part,  which  the  law  doth  cast  on  the  informers,  360 
Should  be  inough ;  the  rest  goe  to  the  children : 
Wherein  the  Prince  shall  shew  humanitie, 
And  bountie,  not  to  force  them  by  their  want 
(Which  in  their  parents  trespasse  they  deserv'd) 
To  take  ill  courses. 

Tib.  It  shall  please  us. 

Arr.  I,  365 

Out  of  necessitie.  This  Lepidus 
Is  grave  and  honest,  and  I  have  observ'd 
A  moderation  still  in  all  his  censures. 

Sab.  And  bending  to  the  better — Stay,  who's 

this  ? 
Cremutius  Cordus  ?  what  ?  is  he  brought  in  ?     370 

Arr.    More  bloud  unto  the  banquet  ?    Noble 

Cordus, 

I  wish  thee  good :   Be  as  thy  writings,  free, 
And  honest. 

Tib.  What  is  he  ? 

Sej.  For  th'AnnaPs,  Caesar. 

360  Part,  -which.   Q,  G,  The  which. 
371   unto.    W,  C,  G,  into. 


ioo 

Prtfco,  [tnttr]   Cordus,  Satritts,  Natta. 
Pra.   Cremutius  Cord'. 
Cordus.  Here. 

Prte.  Satrius  Secund', 

Pinnarius  Natta,  you  are  his  accusers.  375 

Arr.  Two  of  Sejanus  bloud-hounds,  whom  he 

breeds 
With  humane  flesh,  to  bay  at  citizens. 

Aft.  Stand  forth  before  the  Senate,  and  con- 
front him. 
Satrius.  I  doe  accuse   thee  here,  Cremutius 

Cordus, 

To  be  a  man  factious,  and  dangerous,  380 

A  sower  of  sedition  in  the  state, 
A  turbulent,  and  discontented  spirit, 
Which  I  will  prove  from  thine  owne  writings, 

here, 
The  Annal's  thou  hast  published  ;  where  thou 

bit'st 

The  present  age,  and  with  a  vipers  tooth,  385 

Being  a  member  of  it,  dar'st  that  ill 
Which  never  yet  degenerous  bastard  did 
Upon  his  parent. 

Natta.  To  this,  I  subscribe  ; 

And,  forth  a  world  of  more  particulars, 
Instance  in  only  one  :   Comparing  men,  390 

And  times,  thou  praysest  Brutus,  and  affirm'st 
That  Cassius  was  the  last  of  all  the  Romanes. 

384  katt.    Q,  last.  387  Jegmeroui.    A,  dangerous. 


SCENE  I.)  >t\*nU&  IOI 

Cot.   How  !  what  are  we  then  ? 

Var.  What  is  Caesar  ?  nothing  ? 

Afe.  My  lords,  this  strikes  at  every  Romanes 

private, 

In  whom  raignes  gentrie,  and  estate  of  spirit,      395 
To  have  a  Brutus  brought  in  paralell, 
A  parricide,  an  enemie  of  his  countrie, 
Rank'd,  and  preferr'd  to  any  reall  worth 
That  Rome  now  holds.  This  is  most  strangely 

invective. 

Most  full  of  spight,  and  insolent  upbraiding.       4°° 
Nor  is't  the  time  alone  is  here  dispris'd, 
But  the  whole  man  of  time,  yea  Caesar's  selfe 
Brought  in  disvalew ;  and  he  aym'd  at  most 
By  oblique  glance  of  his  licentious  pen. 
Caesar,  if  Cassius  were  the  last  of  Romanes,      4°5 
Thou  hast  no  name. 

Tib.  Let's  heare  him  answere.  Silence. 

Cor.  So  innocent  I  am  of  fact,  my  lords, 
As  but  my  words  are  argu'd ;  yet  those  words 
Not  reaching  eyther  prince,  or  princes  parent : 
The  which  your  law  of  treason  comprehends.     410 
Brutus,  and  Cassius,  I  am  charg'd,t'have  prays'd: 
Whose  deedes,  when  many  more,  besides  my 

selfe, 

Have  writ,  not    one   hath   mention'd    without 
honour. 

400  insolent.    W,  C,  insolently. 


g>rfanu0  [ACT  in. 

Great  Titus  Livius,  great  for  eloquence, 

And  faith,  amongst  us,  in  his  historic,  415 

With  so  great  prayses  Pompey  did  extoll, 

As  oft  Augustus  call'd  him  a  Pompeian  : 

Yet  this  not  hurt  their  friendship.  In  his  booke 

He  often  names  Scipio,  Afranius, 

Yea,  the  same  Cassius,  and  this  Brutus  too,       420 

As  worthi'st  men  ;  not  theeves,  and  parricides, 

Which  notes,  upon  their  fames,  are  now  im- 

pos'd. 

Asinius  Pollio's  writings  quite  throughout 
Give  them  a  noble  memorie ;  So  Messalla 
Renown'd  his  generall  Cassius :  yet  both  these   415 
Liv'd  with  Augustus,  full  of  wealth,  and  honours. 
To  Cicero's  booke,  where  Cato  was  heav'd  up 
Equall  with  heav'n,  what  else  did  Caesar  answere, 
Being  then  Dictator,  but  with  a  penn'd  oration, 
As  if  before  the  judges  ?   Doe  but  see  430 

Antonius  letters ;  read  but  Brutus  pleadings : 
What  vile  reproch  they  hold  against  Augustus, 
False  I  confesse,  but  with  much  bitternesse. 
The  Epigram's  of  Bibaculus,  and  Catullus, 
Are  read,  full  stuft  with  spight  of  both  the  Cae- 
sars ;  435 
Yet  deified  Julius,  and  no  lesse  Augustus! 
Both  bore  them,  and  contemn'd  them  :  (I  not 

know 
Promptly  to  speake  it,  whether  done  with  more 


SCENE  I.]  fa>efatW0  1 03 

Temper,  or  wisdome)  for  such  obloquies 

If  they  despised  bee,  they  dye  supprest,  440 

But,  if  with  rage  acknowledg'd,  they  are  confest. 

The  Greekes  I  slip,  whose  licence  not  alone, 

But  also  lust  did  scape  unpunished  : 

Or  where  some  one  (by  chance)  exception  tooke, 

He   words  with  words   reveng'd.    But,  in   my 

worke,  445 

What  could  be  aim'd  more  free,  or  farder  of 
From  the  times  scandale,  then  to  write  of  those, 
Whom  death  from  grace,  or  hatred  had  exempted  ? 
Did  I,  with  Brutus,  and  with  Cassius, 
Arm'd,  and  possess'd  of  the  Philippi  fields,         45° 
Incense  the  people  in  the  civill  cause, 
With  dangerous  speeches  ?  or  doe  they,  being 

slaine 

Seventie  yeeres  since,  as  by  their  images 
(Which  not  the  conquerour  hath  defac'd)  ap- 

peares, 

Retaine  that  guiltie  memorie  with  writers  ?          455 
Posteritie  payes  everie  man  his  honour. 
Nor  shall  there  want,  though  I  condemned  am, 
That  will  not  only  Cassius  well  approve, 
And  of  great  Brutus  honour  mindfull  be, 
But  that  will,  also,  mention  make  of  me.  46° 

Arr.   Freely,  and  nobly  spoken. 
Sab.  With  good  temper, 

I  like  him,  that  he  is  not  moov'd  with  passion. 


104  ferfanu0 

Arr.   He  puts  'hem  to  their  whisper. 
Tib.  Take  him  hence, 

We  shall  determine  of  him  at  next  sitting. 

[Exeunt  Officers  toitb  Cordus.] 
Cot.   Meane  time,  give  order,  that  his  bookes 

be  burn't,  4*5 

To  the'^diles. 

Sfj.  You  have  well  advis'd. 

Afe.  It  fits  not  such  licentious  things  should 

live 
T'upbraid  the  age. 

Arr.  If  th'age  were  good,  they  might. 

Lot.  Let  'hem  be  burnt. 
Gal.  All  sought,  and  burnt,  today. 

Pr<e.  The  court  is  up,  Lictors,  resume  the 
fasces.  470 

[Exeunt  all  buf^  Arruntius,  Sabinus,  Lepidus. 
Arr.  Let  'hem    be    burnt !    6,   how    ridicu- 
lous 

Appeares  the  Senate's  brainlesse  diligence, 
Who  thinke  they  can,  with  present   power,  ex- 
tinguish 
The  memorie  of  all  succeeding  times  ! 

Sab.  'Tis  true,  when  (contrarie)  the  punish- 
ment 475 
Of  wit,  doth  make  th'authoritie  increase. 
Nor  doe  they  ought,  that  use  this  crueltie 

475  true,  tuhtn.    F,  Fi  omit  comma. 


SCENE  H.]  £>0fattU0  105 

Of  interdiction,  and  this  rage  of  burning; 

But  purchase  to  themselves  rebuke,  and  shame, 

And  to  the  writers  an  eternall  name.  480 

Lep.   It  is  an  argument  the  times  are  sore, 
When  vertue  cannot  safely  be  advanc'd ; 
Nor  vice  reproov'd. 

Arr.  I,  noble  Lepidus, 

Augustus  well  foresaw,  what  we  should  suffer, 
Under  Tiberius,  when  he  did  pronounce  485 

The  Roman  race  most  wretched,  that  should 

live 

Betweene  so  slow  jawes,  and  so  long  a  bruising. 

[Exeunt,] 

[SCENE  II.  A  Room  in  the  Palace. 
Enter]    Tiberius,  [and]  Sejanus. 

Tiberius.  This  businesse  hath  succeeded  well, 

Sejanus : 

And  quite  remoov'd  all  jealousie  of  practice 
'Gainst  Agrippina,  and  our  nephewes.   Now, 
We  must  bethinke  us  how  to  plant  our  ingines 
For  th'other  paire,  Sabinus,  and  Arruntius,  5 

And  Gallus  too  (how  ere  he  flatter  us,) 
His  heart  we  know. 

Sejanus.  Give  it  some  respite,  Caesar. 

Time  shall  mature,  and  bring  to  perfect  crowne, 
What  we,  with  so  good  vultures,  have  begunne : 
Sabinus  shall  be  next. 


106 

Tib.  Rather  Arruntius.  10 

Stj.   By  any  meanes,  preserve  him.   His  franke 

tongue 

Being  lent  the  reines,  will  take  away  all  thought 
Of  malice,  in  your  course  against  the  rest. 
We  must  keep  him  to  stalke  with. 

Tib.  Dearest  head, 

To  thy  most  for[t]unate  designe  I  yeeld  it.         15 

Sfj.  Sir —  I'have  beene  so  long  train'd  up  in 

grace, 

First,  with  your  father,  great  Augustus,  since, 
With  your  most  happie  bounties  so  familiar, 
As  I  not  sooner  would  commit  my  hopes 
Or  wishes  to  the  gods,  then  to  your  eares.  20 

Nor  have  I  ever,  yet,  beene  covetous 
Of  over-bright,  and  dazling  honours  :  rather 
To  watch,  and  travaile  in  great  Caesar's  safetie, 
With  the  most  common  souldier. 

Tib.  'Tis  confest. 

Sfj.  The  only  gaine,  and  which  I  count  most 

faire  15 

Of  all  my  fortunes,  is  that  mightie  Caesar     Hh 
Hath   thought    me   worthie   his   alliance.     <*"«£*'" 

Wdf   /•<•- 

Hence  troth' d  to 

Beginne  my  hopes.  Cla*diui, 

Tib.  H'mh? 

ii  will.   W,  C,  G,  would. 

1 8   Witk  .  .  .familiar.  Q,  To  your  .  .  .  so  inur'd. 

27   Hath.   W,  C,  G,  Has.  Hit  .  .  .  tonne.  Latin  in  Q. 


SCENE  II.] 

Sej.  I  have  heard,  Augustus 

In  the  bestowing  of  his  daughter,  thought 
But  even  of  gentlemen  of  Rome  :  If  so,  3° 

(I  know  not  how  to  hope  so  great  a  favour) 
But  if  a  husband  should  be  sought  for  Livia, 
And  I  be  had  in  minde,  as  Caesars  freind, 
I  would  but  use  the  glorie  of  the  kindred. 
It  should  not  make  me  slothfull,  or  lesse  caring  35 
For  Caesars  state ;  it  were  inough  to  me 
It  did  confirme,  and  strengthen  my  weake  house, 
Against  the-now-unequall  opposition 
Of  Agrippina  ;  'and  for  deare  reguard 
Unto  my  children,  this  I  wish  :  my  selfe  4° 

Have  no  ambition  farder,  then  to  end 
My  dayes  in  service  of  so  deare  a  master. 

Tib.  We  cannot  but  commend  thy  pietie 
Most-lov'd  Sejanus,  in  acknowledging 
Those  bounties ;  which    we   faintly,  such,  re- 
member. 45 
But  to  thy  suit.  The  rest  of  mortall  men, 
In  all  their  drifts,  and  counsels,  pursue  profit : 
Princes,  alone,  are  of  a  different  sort, 
Directing  their  maine  actions  still  to  fame. 
We  therefore  will  take  time  to  thinke,  and  an- 

swere.  50 

For  Livia,  she  can  best,  her  selfe,  resolve 
If  she  will  marrie  after  Drusus,  or 

42  master.   Q,  Prince.  43  pietie.   Q,  pitty. 


io8  fef  fariUS  |  A, -Tin. 

Continue  in  the  family ;  besides 
She  hath  a  mother,  and  a  grandame  yet, 
Whose  neerer  counsels  she  may  guide  her  by  : 
But  I  will  simply  deale.  That  enmitie, 
Thou  fear'st  in  Agrippina,  would  burne  more, 
If  Livias  marriage  should  (as  'twere  in  parts) 
Devide  th'imperiall  house ;  an  emulation 
Betweene  the  women  might  breake  forth ;  and 

discord 

Ruine  the  sonnes,  and  nephues,  on  both  hands. 
What  if  it  cause  some  present  difference  ? 
Thou  art  not  safe,  Sejanus,  if  thou  proove  it. 
Canst  thou  beleeve,  that  Livia  who  was  wife 
To  Caius  Caesar,  then  to  Drusus,  now 
Will  be  contented  to  grow  old  with  thee, 
Borne  but  a  private  gentleman  of  Rome  ? 
And  rayse  thee  with  her  losse,  if  not  her  shame  ? 
Or  say,  that  I  should  wish  it,  canst  thou  thinke 
The  Senate,  or  the  people  (who  have  scene 
Her  brother,  father,  and  our  ancestors, 
In  highest  place  of  empire)  will  indure  it  ? 
The  state  thou  hold'st  alreadie,  is  in  talke ; 
Men  murmure  at  thy  great nesse  ;  and  the  nobles 
Sticke  not,  in  publike,  to  upbraid  thy  climbing 
Above  our  fathers  favours,  or  thy  scale  : 
And  dare  accuse  me,  from  their  hate  to  thee. 

64  wko  v>at  wife.  F»,  etc.,  firtt  the  wife. 

65  To.  Fz,  etc.,  my. 


SCENE  II.]  £>efatW0  IOQ 

Be  wise,  deare  friend.  We  would  not  hide  these 

things 

For  friendships  deare  respect.  Nor  will  we  stand 
Adverse  to  thine,  or  Livia's  designements.  80 

What  we  had  purpos'd  to  thee,  in  our  thought, 
And  with  what  neere  degrees  of  love  to  bind 

thee, 

And  make  thee  equall  to  us,  for  the  present, 
We  will  forbeare  to  speake.   Only  thus  much 
Believe  our  lov'd  Sejanus,  we  not  know  85 

That  height  in  bloud,  or   honour,   which  thy 

vertue, 

And  minde  to  us,  may  not  aspire  with  merit ; 
And  this  wee'll  publish,  on  all  watch'd  occasion 
The  Senate,  or  the  people  shall  present. 

Sej    I  am  restor'd,  and  to  my  sense  againe,      90 
Which  I  had  lost  in  this  so  blinding  suit. 
Caesar  hath  taught  me  better  to  refuse, 
Then  I  knew  how  to  aske.  How  pleaseth  Caesar 
T'imbrace  my  late  advice,  for  leaving  Rome  ? 
Tib.  We  are  resolv'd. 
Sej.  Here  are  some  motives  more  95 

[Gives  him  a  paper.] 
Which  I  have  thought  on  since,  may  more  con- 

firme. 
Tib.  Carefull  Sejanus  !  we  will  straight  peruse 

them  : 

8 1   had.   W,  C,  G,  have. 


no  £>rfanu$  (ACTHL 

Goe  forward  in  our  maine  designe,  and  prosper. 

[£*»/.] 

[Mantt]    Sqanus. 
Sej.  If  those  but  take,  I  shall.   Dull,  heavie 

Caesar ! 
Would'st  thou  tell  me,  thy  favours  were  made 

crimes  ?  100 

And  that  my  fortunes  were  esteem'd  thy  faults? 
That  thou,  for  me,  wert  hated  ?  and  not  thinke 
I  would  with  winged  haste  prevent  that  change, 
When  thou  might'st  winne  all  to  thy  selfeagaine, 
By  forfeiture  of  me  ?   Did  those  fond  words        105 
Fly  swifter  from  thy  lips,  then  this  my  braine, 
This  sparkling  forge,  created  me  an  armor 
T'encounter  chance,  and  thee  ?    Well,  read  my 

charmes, 

And  may  they  lay  that  hold  upon  thy  senses, 
As  thou  had'st  snuft  up  hemlocke,  or  tane  downe  1 10 
The  juice  of  poppie,  and  of  mandrakes.   Sleepe, 
Voluptuous  Caesar,  and  securitie 
Seize  on  thy  stupide  powers,  and  leave  them 

dead 

To  publique  cares,  awake  but  to  thy  lusts. 
The    strength   of  which    makes  thy  libidinous 

soule  1 1 5 

Itch  to  leave  Rome  ;  and  I  have  thrust  it  on : 
With  blaming  of  the  citie  businesse, 

114    To  .   .   .     lutti.     Fi-C,   Ktni-colon   after  earn,   comma 
after  lum  ;  G,  semi-colon  after  carti. 


SCENE  in.)  £>efanu$  in 

The  multitude  of  suites,  the  confluence 
Of  suitors,  then  their  importunacies, 
The  manifold  distractions  he  must  suffer,  12° 

Besides  ill  rumours,  envies,  and  reproches, 
All  which,  a  quiet  and  retired  life, 
(Larded  with  ease,  and  pleasure)  did  avoid  ; 
And  yet,  for  any  weightie,  'and  great  affaire, 
The  fittest  place  to  give  the  soundest  counsels.  125 
By  this,  shall  I  remoove  him  both  from  thought, 
And  knowledge  of  his  owne  most  deare  affaires ; 
Draw  all  dispatches  through  my  private  hands; 
Know  his  designements,  and  pursue  mine  owne; 
Make  mine  owne  strengths,  by  giving  suites,  and 

places ;  X3° 

Conferring  dignities,  and  offices  : 
And  these,  that  hate  me  now,  wanting  accesse 
To  him,  will  make  their  envie  none,  or  lesse. 
For  when  they  see  me  arbiter  of  all, 
They  must  observe  :  or  else,  with  Caesar  fall.     J35 

[Exit."] 

[SCENE   III.    Another  Room  in  the  Same. 
Enter\    Tiberius,  \later^  Servus. 

Tiberius.   To    marry   Livia?    will    no    lesse, 

Sejanus, 
Content  thy  aimes  ?  no  lower  object  ?  well ! 

119  importunacies.  A,  Importunities. 

izo  distractions.    A,  Distraction. 

126  shall  I.    G,  I  shall.  130  suites.    A,  Sums. 


ii2  STMIWS  lAcrin. 

Thou  know'st  how  thou  art  wrought  into  our 

trust ; 

Woven  in  our  designe  •,  and  think'st,  we  must 
Now  use  thee,  whatsoere  thy  projects  are :  5 

'Tis  true.   But  yet  with  caution,  and  fit  care. 
And,   now    we    better    thinke  —  who's    there, 

within  ? 

Strvus.   Caesar  ? 

Tib.  To  leave  our  journey  off,  were  sin 

'Gainst  our  decree'd  delights;  and  would  appeare 
Doubt :  or  (what  lesse  becomes  a  prince)  low 

feare.  10 

Yet,  doubt  hath  law,  and  feares  have  their  ex- 
cuse, 

Where  princes  states  plead  necessarie  use ; 
As  ours  doth  now  :  more  in  Sejanus  pride, 
Then  all  fell  Agrippina's  hates  beside. 
Those  are  the  dreadfull  enemies,  we  raise  15 

With  favours,  and  make  dangerous,  with  prayse; 
The  injur'd  by  us  may  have  will  alike, 
But  'tis  the  favourite  hath  the  power,  to  strike : 
And  furie  ever  boyles  more  high,  and  strong, 
Heat'  with  ambition,  then  revenge  of  wrong.        »o 
'Tis  then  a  part  of  supreme  skill,  to  grace 
No  man  too  much  ,  but  hold  a  certaine  space 

It    doubt.    A,  Doubts. 

14  Tktn  all  f til  Agrippinat.  Fi,  F3,  A,  Than  in  all  Agrip- 
pina't. 

15  Tk»u.  Q,  They. 


SCENE  ni.j  00(311110 

Betweene  th'ascenders  rise,  and  thine  owne  flat, 
Lest,  when  all  rounds  be  reach'd,  his  aime  be 

that. 

'Tis  thought —  Is  Macro  in  the  palace?  See:    *5 
If  not,  goe,  seeke  him,  to  come  to  us  — 

[Exit  Servus.] 

Hee 

Must  be  the  organ,  we  must  worke  by  now; 
Though  none  lesse  apt  for  trust :  Need  doth  allow 
What    choise   would   not.     I'have   heard,   that 

aconite 

Being  timely  taken,  hath  a  healing  might  3° 

Against  the  scorpions  stroke ;  the  proofe  wee'll 

give: 

That,  while  two  poysons  wrastle,  we  may  live. 
Hee  hath  a  spirit  too  working,  to  be  us'd 
But  to  th'encounter  of  his  like  ;  excus'd 
Are  wiser  sov'raignes  then,  that  raise  one  ill         35 
Against  another,  and  both  safely  kill : 
The  prince,  that  feeds  great  natures,  they  will 

sway  him ; 
Who  nourisheth  a  lyon,  must  obey  him. 

[70]    Tiberius,  [re-enter  Servus  witb~^  Macro, 
Macro,  we  sent  for  you. 

Macro.  I  heard  so,  Caesar. 

Tib.  (Leave  us  awhile.)  \_Exit  Servus.~\ 

When  you  shal  know,  good  Macro,  40 
The  causes  of  our  sending,  and  the  ends ; 

41   our.   FH,  FP,  Fz,  F3,  A,  your. 


1 14  0efanu0  [ACT  in. 

You  then  will  barken  neerer :  and  be  pleas'd 
You  stand  so  high,  both  in  our  choise,  and  trust. 

Mac.  The  humblest  place  in  Caesars  choise, 

or  trust, 

May  make  glad  Macro  proud ;  without  ambition  :  45 
Save  to  doe  Caesar  service. 

Tib.  Leave  our  courtings. 

We  are  in  purpose,  Macro,  to  depart 
The  citie  for  a  time,  and  see  Campania ; 
Not  for  our  pleasures,  but  to  dedicate 
A  paire  of  temples,  one,  to  Jupiter  50 

At  Capua,  th'other  at  Nola,  to  Augustus  : 
In  which  great  worke,  perhaps,  our  stay  will  be 
Beyond  our  will  produc't.  Now,  since  we  are 
Not  ignorant  what  danger  may  be  borne 
Out  of  our  shortest  absence,  in  a  state  55 

So  subject  unto  envie,  and  embroild 
With  hate,  and  faction  \  we  have  thought  on  thee, 
(Amongst  a  field  of  Romanes,)  worthiest  Macro, 
To  be  our  eye,  and  eare,  to  keepe  strict  watch 
On  Agrippina,  Nero,  Drusus,  I,  60 

And  on  Sejanus  :  Not,  that  we  distrust 
His  loyaltie,  or  doe  repent  one  grace, 
Of  all  that  heape,  we  have  conferd  on  him. 
(For  that  were  to  disparage  our  election, 
And  call  that  judgement  now  in  doubt,  which 

then  65 

41  then  will.   G,  will  then.  46  our.    Fi,  etc.,  your. 


I.]  £>efami0  115 

Seem'd  as  unquestion'd  as  an  oracle,) 

But,  greatnesse  hath  his  cankers.  Wormes,  and 

moaths 

Breed  out  of  too  fit  matter,  in  the  things 
Which  after  they  consume,  transferring  quite 
The  substance  of  their  makers,  int'  themselves.  70 
Macro  is  sharpe,  and  apprehends.   Besides, 
I  know  him  subtle,  close,  wise,  and  wel-read 
In  man,  and  his  large  nature.   He  hath  studied 
Affections,  passions,  knowes  their  springs,  their 

ends, 
Which  way,  and  whether  they  will  worke:   'tis 

proofe  75 

Inough,  of  his  great  merit,  that  we  trust  him. 
Then,  to  a  point ;  (because  our  conference 
Cannot  be  long  without  suspition) 
Here,  Macro,  we  assigne  thee,  both  to  spie, 
Informe,   and    chastise ;    thinke,   and    use    thy 

meanes,  80 

Thy  ministers,  what,  where,  on  whom  thou  wilt ; 
Explore,  plot,  practise  :  All  thou  doost  in  this, 
Shall  be,  as  if  the  Senate,  or  the  Lawes 
Had  giv'n  it  priviledge,  and  thou  thence  stil'd 
The  savier  both  of  Caesar,  and  of  Rome.  85 

We  will  not  take  thy  answere,  but  in  act  : 
Whereto,  as  thou  proceed'st,  we  hope  to  heare 

68  fit  matter,  Q,  FH,  FP,  Fa,  F3,  W,  C,  G,  much  humor. 
A,  much  Honour. 


n6  er  Minis  IACTIIL 

By  trusted  messengers.   If  't  be  enquir'd, 
Wherefore  we  call'd  you,  say,  you  have  in  charge 
To  see  our  chariots  readie,  and  our  horse  :  9° 

Be  still  our  lov'd,  and  (shortly)  honor'd  Macro. 

[£*//.] 

[Man tt]  Macro. 

Mac.  I  will  not  aske,  why  Caesar  bids  doe  this: 
But  joy,  that  he  bids  me.   It  is  the  blisse 
Of  courts,  to  be  imploy'd  ;  no  matter,  how ; 
A  princes  power  makes  all  his  actions  vertue.      95 
We,  whom  he  workes  by,  are  dumbe  instruments, 
To  doe,  but  not  enquire :   His  great  intents 
Are  to  be  serv'd,  not  search'd.   Yet,  as  that  bow 
Is  most  in  hand,  whose  owner  best  doth  know 
T'affect  his  aymes,  so  let  that  states-man  hope    too 
Most  use,  most  price,  can  hit  his  princes  scope. 
Nor  must  he  looke  at  what,  or  whom  to  strike, 
But  lose  at  all;  each  marke  must  be  alike. 
Were  it  to  plot  against  the  fame,  the  life 
Of  one,  with  whom  I  twin'd;  remove  a  wife      105 
From  my  warme  side,  as  lov'd,  as  is  the  ayre; 
Practise  away  each  parent ;  draw  mine  heyre 
In  com  passe,  though  but  one  ;  worke  all  my  kin 
To  swift  perdition  ;  leave  no  untrain'd  engin, 
For  friendship,  or  for  innocence;  nay,  make       no 
The  gods  all  guiltie :  I  would  undertake 
This,  being  impos'd  me,  both  with  gaine,  and 
ease. 

88   tnquir'd.    C,  rcquir'd. 


scrNt  in.)  ^efanu0  1  1  7 

The  way  to  rise,  is  to  obey,  and  please. 
He  that  will  thrive  in  state,  he  must  neglect 
The  trodden  paths,  that  truth  and  right  respect;  115 
And  prove  new,  wilder  wayes  :  for  vertue,  there, 
Is  not  that  narrow  thing,  shee  is  else-where. 
Mens  fortune  there  is  vertue  ;  reason,  their  will  : 
Their  licence,  law  ;  and  their  observance,  skill. 
Occasion,  is  their  foile  ;  conscience,  their  staine;  120 
Profit,  their  lustre  :  and  what  else  is,  vaine. 
If  then  it  be  the  lust  of  Caesars  power, 
T'have  rais'd  Sejanus  up,  and  in  an  hower 
O're-turne  him,  tumbling,  downe,  from  height 

of  all  ; 

We  are  his  ready  engine  :  and  his  fall  125 

May  be  our  rise.  It  is  no  uncouth  thing 
To  see  fresh  buildings  from  old  ruines  spring. 


CHORUS  —  Of  Musicians. 


ACT  IIII. 

[SCENE  I.   An  Apartment  in  Agrippina' s  House. 

Eater]  Gallui,  \and~\  Agrippina,  [later]  Nero, 
Drusui,  Caligula. 

Callus.    You    must    have    patience,    royall 
Agrippina. 

Agrippina.  I  must  have  vengeance,  first :  and 

that  were  nectar 

Unto  my  famish'd  spirits.  O,  my  fortune, 
Let  it  be  sodaine  thou  prepar'st  against  me ; 
Strike  all  my  powers  of  understanding  blind,          5 
And  ignorant  of  destinie  to  come  : 
Let  me  not  feare,  that  cannot  hope. 

Gal.  Deare  Princesse, 

These  tyrannies,  on  your  selfe,  are  worse  then 
Caesar's. 

Agr.  Is  this  the  happinesse  of  being  borne 

great  ? 

Still  to  be  aim'd  at  ?  still  to  be  suspected  ?  10 

To  live  the  subject  of  all  jealousies  ? 
At  least  the  colour  made,  if  not  the  ground 
To  every  painted  danger  ?  who  would  not 
Choose  once  to  fall,  then  thus  to  hang  for  ever  ? 

Gal.  You  might  be  safe,  if  you  would  — 

Agr.  What,  my  Callus  ?   15 


SCENE  I.]  ^{311110  119 

Be  lewd  Sejanus  strumpet  ?  Or  the  baud 
To  Caesars  lusts,  he  now  is  gone  to  practise  ? 
Not  these  are  safe,  where  nothing  is.  Your  selfe, 
While  thus  you  stand  but  by  me,  are  not  safe. 
Was  Silius  safe  ?  or  the  good  Sosia  safe  ?  20 

Or  was  my  niece,  deare  Claudia  Pulchra  safe  ? 
Or  innocent  Furnius  ?  They,  that  latest  have 
(By  being  made  guiltie)  added  reputation 
To  Afers  eloquence  ?   O,  foolish  friends, 
Could  not  so  fresh  example  warne  your  loves,      25 
But  you  must  buy  my  favours,  with  that  losse 
Unto  your  selves :  and,  when  you  might  per- 
ceive 

That  Caesars  cause  of  raging  must  forsake  him, 
Before  his  will  ?  Away,  good  Gallus,  leave  me. 
Here  to  be  scene,  is  danger ;  to  speake,  treason  :  30 
To  doe  me  least  observance,  is  call'd  faction. 
You  are  unhappy  in  me,  and  I  in  all. 
Where  are  my  sonnes  ?    Nero?   and  Drusus? 

We       . 

Are  they,  be  shot  at ;  Let  us  fall  apart : 
Not,  in  our  ruines,  sepulchre  our  friends.  35 

Or  shall  we  doe  some  action,  like  offence, 
To  mocke  their  studies,  that  would  make  us 

faultie  ? 

And  frustrate  practice,  by  preventing  it  ? 
The  danger's  like  :  for,  what  they  can  contrive, 

22   Furnius.   F^,  A,  Furius. 


1 20  £>r  fanua  (ACT  im. 

They  will  make  good.   No  innocence  is  safe,       40 
When  power  contests.  Nor  can  they  trespasse 

more, 
Whose  only  being  was  all  crime,  before. 

Nero.  You    heare,    Sejanus    is    come    backe 
from  Caesar  ? 

Gal.  No.  How?  Disgrac'd? 

Drusus.  More  graced  now,  then  ever. 

Gal.   By  what  mischance  ? 

Caligula.  A  fortune,  like  inough  45 

Once  to  be  bad. 

Dru.  But  turn'd  too  good,  to  both. 

Gal.  What  was't  ? 

Ner.  Tiberius  sitting  at  his  meat, 

In  a  farme  house,  they  call  Spelunca,  sited 
By  the  sea-side,  among  the  Fundane  hills, 
Within  a  naturall  cave,  part  of  the  grot  50 

(About  the  entrie)  fell,  and  over-whelm'd 
Some  of  the  wayters  ;  others  ran  away  : 
Only  Sejanus,  with  his  knees,  hands,  face, 
Ore-hanging  Caesar,  did  oppose  himselfe 
To  the  remayning  ruines,  and  was  found  55 

In  that  so  labouring  posture,  by  the  souldiers 
That  came  to  succour  him.   With  which  adven- 
ture, 

He  hath  so  tixt  himselfe  in  Caesar's  trust, 
As  thunder  cannot  moove  him,  and  is  come 
With  all  the  height  of  Caesars  praise,  to  Rome.  60 


SCENE  ii.]  fa>efanus  121 

Agr.  And   power,  to   turne  those  ruines  all 

on  us; 

And  bury  whole  posterities  beneath  them. 
Nero,  and  Drusus,  and  Caligula, 
Your  places  are  the  next,  and  therefore  most 
In  their  offence.  Thinke  on  your  birth,  and  bloud,  65 
Awake  your  spirits,  meete  their  violence, 
'Tis  princely,  when  a  tyran  doth  oppose  ; 
And  is  a  fortune  sent  to  exercise 
Your  vertue,  as  the  wind  doth  trie  strong  trees : 
Who  by  vexation  grow  more  sound,  and  firme.  7° 
After  your  fathers  fall,  and  uncles  fate, 
What  can  you  hope,  but  all  the  change  of  stroke 
That  force,  or  slight  can  give  ?  then  stand  up- 
right ; 

And  though  you  doe  not  act,  yet  suffer  nobly  : 
Be  worthy    of   my    wombe,    and    take    strong 

cheare ;  75 

What  we  doe  know  will  come,  we  should  not 
feare.  [Exeunt. ~\ 

[SCENE  II.   The  Street. 
Enter~\    Macro. 

Macro.  Return'd  so  soone  ?  renew'd  in  trust, 

and  grace  ? 

Is  Caesar  then  so  weake  ?  or  hath  the  place 
But  wrought  this  alteration,  with  the  aire ; 
And  he,  on  next  remove,  will  all  repaire  ? 


122 

Macro,  thou  art  ingag'd  :  and  what  before  5 

Was  publique  ;  now,  must  be  thy  private,  more. 

The  weale  of  Caesar,  fitnesse  did  imply  ; 

But  thine  owne  fate  confers  necessity 

On  thy  employment :  and  the  thoughts  borne 

nearest 

Unto  our  selves,  move  swiftest  still,  and  dearest.  10 
If  he  recover,  thou  art  lost :  yea,  all 
The  weight  of  preparation  to  his  fall 
Will  turne  on  thee,  and  crush  thee.  Therefore, 

strike 

Before  he  settle,  to  prevent  the  like 
Upon  thy  selfe.   He  doth  his  vantage  know,         15 
That  makes   it  home,  and  gives   the   foremost 

blow.  [Exit.'] 

[SCENE  III.   An  Upper  Room  of  Agrippina's  House. 
Enter]  Latiaris,  Rufus,  [and]   Ofsius. 

Latiaris.  It  is  a  service,  great  Sejanus  will 

See  well  requited,  and  accept  of  nobly. 

Here  place  your  selves,  betweene  the  roofe,  and 
seeling, 

And  when  I  bring  him  to  his  wordes  of  danger, 

Reveale  your  selves,  and  take  him. 

Rufus.  Is  he  come  ?     5 

Lat.  Fie  now  goe  fetch  him.  [Exit.'] 

I  great,   Q,  W,  C,  G,  Lord. 


123 

Opsius.  With  good  speed.   I  long 

To  merit  from  the  state,  in  such  an  action. 

Ruf.  I  hope,  it  will  obtayne  the  Consul-ship 
For  one  of  us. 

Ops.  We  cannot  thinke  of  lesse, 

To  bring  in  one,  so  dangerous  as  Sabinus.  10 

Ruf.   He  was  a  follower  of  Germanicus, 
And  still  is  an  observer  of  his  wife, 
And  children,  though  they  be  declin'd  in  grace ; 
A  daily  visitant,  keepes  them  companie 
In  private,  and  in  publique  ;  and  is  noted  15 

To  be  the  only  client,  of  the  house: 
Pray  Jove,  he  will  be  free  to  Latiaris. 

Ops.   H'is  alli'd    to  him,  and  doth  trust  him 
well. 

Ruf.  And  he'll  requite  his  trust  ? 

Ops.  To  doe  an  office 

So  gratefull  to  the  state,  I  know  no  man  2° 

But  would  straine  neerer  bands,  then  kindred  — 

Ruf.  List, 

I  heare  them  come. 

Ops.  Shift  to  our  holes,  with  silence. 

\JTbey  retire.] 
[Re-enter]  Latiaris,  \yoitV\  Sabinus. 

Lot.  It  is  a  noble  constancie  you  shew 
To  this  afflicted  house  :   that  not  like  others, 
(The  friends  of  season)  you  doe  follow  fortune,  25 
And  in  the  winter  of  their  fate,  forsake 


1 24  £>r  fantiflf  [ACT  nn. 

The  place,  whose  glories  warm'd  you.  You  are 

just, 

And  worthy  such  a  princely  patrones  love, 
As  was  the  worlds-renown'd  Germanicus : 
Whose  ample  merit  when  I  call  to  thought,          30 
And  see  his  wife  and  issue,  objects  made 
To  so  much  envie,  jealousie,  and  hate, 
It  makes  me  ready  to  accuse  the  gods 
Of  negligence,  as  men  of  tyrannic. 

Sabinus.  They  must  be  patient,  so  must  we. 
Lot.  O  Jove.   35 

What  will  become  of  us,  or  of  the  times, 
When,  to  be  high,  or  noble,  are  made  crimes  ? 
When   land,  and   treasure  are   most  dangerous 

faults  ? 

Sab.  Nay,  when  our  table,  yea  our  bed  assaults 
Our  peace,  and  safetie  ?  when  our  writings  are,   4° 
By  any  envious  instruments  (that  dare 
Apply  them  to  the  guiltie)  made  to  speake 
What    they   will   have,  to  fit  their  tyrannous 

wreake  ? 

When  ignorance  is  scarcely  innocence : 
And  knowledge  made  a  capitall  offence  ?  4J 

When  not  so  much,  but  the  bare  emptie  shade 
Of  libertie,  is  reft  us  ?  and  we  made, 
The  prey  to  greedie  Vultures,  and  vile  spies, 
That  first  transfixe  us  with  their  murdering  eyes? 
Lot.   Me  thinkes,  the  Genius  of  the  Romane 

race  5° 


125 

Should  not  be  so  extinct,  but  that  bright  flame 

Of  libertie  might  be  reviv'd  againe, 

(Which  no  good  man  but  with  his  life,  should 

lose) 

And  we  not  sit  like  spent,  and  patient  fooles 
Still  puffing  in  the  darke,  at  one  poore  coale,        55 
Held  on  by  hope,  till  the  last  sparke  is  out. 
The  cause  is  publique,  and  the  honour,  name, 
The  immortalitie  of  every  soule 
That  is  not  bastard,  or  a  slave  in  Rome, 
Therein   concern'd :    Whereto,  if  men  would 

change  60 

The  weari'd  arme,  and  for  the  waightie  shield 
So  long  sustain'd,  employ  the  facile  sword, 
We  might  have  some  assurance  of  our  vowes. 
This  asses  fortitude  doth  tyre  us  all. 
It  must  be  active  valour  must  redeeme  65 

Our  losse,  or  none.  The  rocke,  and  our  hard 

steele 
Should    meete,    t'enforce    those    glorious    fires 

againe, 
Whose  splendor  cheer'd  the  world,  and   heat 

gave  life 
No  less  then  doth  the  sunne's. 

Sab.  'Twere  better  stay, 

In  lasting  darkenesse,  and  despaire  of  day.  7° 

62  facile.   Fz,  F3,  A,  W,  C,  ready. 

63  some.    ¥2,  etc.,  soon. 


n6  &rfanu0  [ACT  mi 


No  ill  should  force  the  subject  undertake 
Against  the  soveraigne  ;  more  then  hell  should 

make 
The  gods  doe  wrong.  A  good  man  should,  and 

must 

Sit  rather  downe  with  losse,  then  rise  unjust. 
Though,  when  the  Romanes  first  did  yeeld  them- 

selves 75 

To  one  mans  power,  they  did  not  meane  their 

lives, 

Their  fortunes,  and  their  liberties,  should  be 
His  absolute  spoile,  as  purchas'd  by  the  sword. 
Lot.   Why  we  are  worse,  if  to  be  slaves,  and 

bond 

To  Caesars  slave,  be  such,  the  proud  Sejanus  ?    80 
He  that  is  all,  do's  all,  gives  Caesar  leave 
To  hide  his  ulcerous,  and  anointed  face, 
With  his  bald  crowne  at  Rhodes,  while  he  here 

stalkes 

Upon  the  heads  of  Romanes,  and  their  Princes, 
Familiarly  to  Empire. 

Sab.  Now  you  touch  85 

A  point  indeed,  wherein  he  shewes  his  arte, 
As  well  as  power. 

Lot.  And  villany  in  both. 

Doe  you  observe  where  Livia  lodges  ?   How 
Drusus  came  dead  ?  What  men  have  beene  cut 

off? 

83-4   fTitk  .   .   .   Priatei.  See  Notei. 


SCENE  III.]  &tf 811110  127 

Aa-^.  Yes,  those  are  things  remov'd  :  I  neerer 

look't,  90 

Into  his  later  practice,  where  he  stands 
Declar'd  a  master  in  his  mysterie. 
First,  ere  Tiberius  went,  he  wrought  his  feare, 
To  thinke  that  Agrippina  sought  his  death. 
Then  put  those  doubts  in  her ;  sent  her  oft  word,  95 
Under  the  show  of  friendship,  to  beware 
Of  Caesar,  for  he  laid  to  poyson  her: 
Drave  them  to  frownes,  to  mutuall  jealousies, 
Which,  now,  in  visible  hatred  are  burst  out. 
Since,  he  hath  had  his  hyred  instruments  100 

To  worke  on  Nero,  and  to  heave  him  up ; 
To  tell  him  Caesar's  old  ;  That  all  the  people, 
Yea,  all  the  armie  have  their  eyes  on  him  ; 
That  both  doe  long  to  have  him  undertake 
Something  of  worth,  to  give  the  world  a  hope  ;  105 
Bids  him  to  court  their  grace ;  the  easie  youth, 
Perhaps,  gives  eare,  which  straight  he  writes  to 

Caesar; 
And  with  this  comment :   See  yon'd  dangerous 

boy, 

Note  but  the  practice  of  the  mother,  there, 
Shee's  tying  him,  for  purposes  at  hand,  no 

With  men  of  sword.    Here's  Caesar  put  in  fright 
'Gainst  sonne,  and  mother.   Yet,  he  leaves  not 

thus. 

90   neerer.    Fa,  F3,  A,  never. 
108  yon' d.  A,  etc.,  yon. 


1 28  £>efanu$  IACT  ira. 

The  second  brother  Drusus  (a  fierce  nature, 
And  fitter  for  his  snares,  because  ambitious, 
And  full  of  envie)  him  he  clasp's,  and  hugs,        115 
Poysons  with  praise,  tells  him  what  hearts  he 

weares, 

How  bright  he  stands  in  popular  expectance  ; 
That  Rome  doth  suffer  with  him,  in  the  wrong 
His  mother  does  him,  by  preferring  Nero  : 
Thus  sets  he  them  asunder,  each  'gainst  other,  no 
Projects    the  course,  that    serves  him  to  con- 

demne, 

Keepes  in  opinion  of  a  friend  to  all, 
And  all  drives  on  to  ruine. 

Lot.  Caesar  sleepes, 

And  nods  at  this  ' 

Sab.  Would  he  might  ever  sleepe, 

Bogg'd  in  his  filthy  lusts. 

[Opsius  and  Rufus  rush  /».] 

Ops.  Treason  to  Caesar.  125 

Ruf.   Lay  hands  upon  the  traytor,  Latiaris, 
Or  take  the  name  thy  selfe. 

Lot.  I  am  for  Caesar. 

Sab.  Am  I  then  catch'd  ? 

Ruf.  How  thinke  you,  sir  ?  you  are. 

Sab.  Spies  of  this  head  !  so  white  !  so  full  of 

yeeres  ! 

Well,  my  most  reverend  monsters,  you  may  live  130 
To  see  your  selves  thus  snar'd. 


129 

Ops.  Away  with  him. 

Lat.   Hale  him  away. 

Ruf.  To  be  a  spie  for  traytors, 

Is  honorable  vigilance. 

Sab.  You  doe  well, 

My  most  officious  instruments  of  state  ; 
Men  of  all  uses  :  Drag  me  hence,  away.  135 

The  yeere  is  well  begun,  and  I  fall  fit, 
To  be  an  offring  to  Sejanus.   Goe. 

Ops.  Cover  him  with  his  garments,  hide  his 
face. 

Sab.  It  shall    not  need.  Forbeare  your  rude 

assault, 
The  fault's  not  shamefull[,j    villainie  makes  a 

fault.  [Exeunt.~\i$o 

[SCENE  IV.    The  Street  before  dgrippina's  House. 

Enter~\  Macro,  [a»d~\  Caligula. 
Macro.  Sir,   but    observe    how    thicke    your 

dangers  meete 
In    his  cleare    drifts !  Your  mother,  and  your 

brothers, 

Now  cited  to  the  Senate  !  Their  friend,  Gallus, 
Feasted  to  day  by  Caesar,  since  committed  ! 
Sabinus,  here  we  me't,  hurryed  to  fetters  !  5 

The  Senators  all  strooke  with  feare,  and  silence, 

1 36  fall.    C,  shall. 

140  ihamefull.    F  omits  comma  after  this. 


130  ertanus  (ACT  mi. 

Save  those,  whose  hopes  depend  not  on  good 

meanes, 
But    force    their    private    prey,    from  publique 

spoile  ! 

And  you  must  know,  if  here  you  stay,  your  state 
Is  sure  to  be  the  subject  of  his  hate,  10 

As  now  the  object. 

Caligula.  What  would  you  advise  me  ? 

Mac.  To  goe  for  Capreae  presently :  and  there 
Give  up  your  selfe,  entirely,  to  your  uncle. 
Tell  Caesar  (since  your  mother  is  accus'd 
To  flie  for  succours  to  Augustus  statue,  15 

And  to  the  armie,  with  your  brethren)  you 
Have  rather  chose,  to  place  your  aides  in  him, 
Then  live  suspected ;  or  in  hourely  feare 
To  be  thrust  out,  by  bold  Sejanu's  plots: 
Which,  you  shall  confidently  urge,  to  be  lo 

Most  full  of  perill  to  the  state,  and  Caesar, 
As  being  laid  to  his  peculiar  ends, 
And  not  to  be  let  run,  with  common  safety. 
All  which  (upon  the  second)  Tie  make  plaine, 
So  both  shall  love,  and  trust  with  Caesar  gaine.   25 

Cal.  Away   then,   let's    prepare    us    for  our 
journey. 

15   So.   Q,  And. 


SCENE  V.] 


[SCENE  V.    Another  Part  of  the  Street. 

Enter]  Arruntius. 
Arruntius.   Still,  do'st  thou  suffer  heav'n  ?  will 

no  flame, 

No  heate  of  sinne  make  thy  just  wrath  to  boile 
In  thy  distemp'red  bosome,  and  ore-flow 
The  pitchy  blazes  of  impietie, 
Kindled  beneath  thy  throne  ?  Still  canst  thou 

sleepe,  5 

Patient,  while  vice  doth  make  an  antique  face 
At  thy  drad  power,  and  blow  dust,  and  smoke 
Into  thy  nostrils  ?  Jove,  will  nothing  wake  thee  ? 
Must  vile  Sejanus  pull  thee  by  the  beard, 
Ere  thou  wilt  open  thy  black-lidded  eye,  10 

And  looke  him  dead  ?  Well  !   Snore  on,  dream- 

ing gods  : 

And  let  this  last  of  that  proud  Giant-race, 
•  Heave  mountayne  upon  mountayne,  'gainst  your 

state  — 

Be  good  unto  me,  fortune,  and  you  powers, 
Whom  I,  expostulating,  have  profan'd  ;  15 

I  see  (what's  equall  with  a  prodigie) 
A  great,  a  noble  Romane,  and  an  honest, 
Live  an  old  man  !   O,  Marcus  Lepidus, 
When  is  our  turne  to  bleed  ?  Thy  selfe,  and  I 
(Without  our  boast)  are  a'most  all  the  few  20 

Left,  to  be  honest,  in  these  impious  times. 

12  let.    W,  lest. 


132  S>rfanu0  IACTIIII. 


Lepidus,  [/<?]  Arruntiu*. 
Lepidus.   What  we  are  left  to  be,  we  will  be, 

Lucius, 

Though  tyrannic  did  stare,  as  wide  as  death, 
To  fright  us  from  it. 

Arr.  'T  hath  so,  on  Sabinus. 

Lep.  I  saw  him  now  drawne  from  the  Gemo- 

nies,  »S 

And  (what  increas'd  the  direnesse  of  the  fact) 
His  faithfull  dogge  (upbraiding  all  us  Romanes) 
Never  forsooke  the  corp's,but,  seeing  it  throwne 
Into  the  streame,  leap'd  in,  and  drown'd  with  it. 

Arr.  O  act  !  to  be  envi'd  him,  of  us  men  !        30 
We  are  the  next,  the  hooke  layes  hold  on,  Mar- 

cus : 

What  are  thy  artes  (good  patriot,  teach  them  me) 
That  have  preserv'd  thy  haires,  to  this  white  die, 
And  kept  so  reverend,  and  so  deare  a  head, 
Safe,  on  his  comely  shoulders  ? 

Lep.  Arts,  Arruntius  ?   35 

None,  but  the  plaine,  and  passive  fortitude, 
To  suffer,  and  be  silent  ;  never  stretch 
These  armes,  against  the  torrent  ;  livp  at  home, 
With  my  owne  thoughts,  and  innocence  about 

me, 
Not  tempting  the  wolves  jawes  :  these  are  my 

artes.  4° 

Arr.  I  would  begin  to  studie  'hem,  if  I  thought 


v.j  £>ef  anus  133 

They  would  secure  me.   May  I  pray  to  Jove, 
In  secret,  and  be  safe  ?  I,  or  aloud  ? 
With  open  wishes  ?  so  I  doe  not  mention 
Tiberius,  or  Sejanus  ?  yes,  I  must,  45 

If  I  speake  out.  'Tis  hard,  that.  May  I  thinke, 
And  not  be  rackt  ?  What  danger  is't  to  dreame  ? 
Talke  in  ones  sleepe  ?  or  cough  ?  who  knowes 

the  law  ? 

May  I  shake  my  head,  without  a  comment  ?  say 
It  raines,  or  it  holds  up,  and  not  be  throwne         s° 
Upon  the  Gemonies  ?  These  now  are  things, 
Whereon  mens  fortune,  yea  their  fate  depends. 
Nothing  hath  priviledge  'gainst  the  violent  eare. 
No  place,  no  day,  no  houre  (we  see)  is  free 
(Not  our  religious,  and  most  sacred  times)  55 

From  some  one  kind  of  crueltie :  all  matter, 
Nay  all  occasion  pleaseth.  Mad-mens  rage, 
The  idlenesse  of  drunkards,  womens  nothing, 
Jesters  simplicity,  all,  all  is  good 
That  can  be  catch'd  at.  Nor  is  now  th'event       60 
Of  any  person,  or  for  any  crime, 
To  be  expected :  for,  'tis  alwayes  one : 
Death,  with  some  little  difference  of  place, 
Or  time  —  what's  this  ?  Prince  Nero  ?  guarded  ? 
Lac o,  Nero,  \witb  Guards,  to  J  Lepidus,  Arruntius. 
Laco.  On,    Lictors,    keepe    your   way :   My 

lords,  forbeare.  65 

On  paine  of  Caesars  wrath,  no  man  attempt 
Speech  with  the  prisoner, 


134  £>efanu0  (Acrira. 

Nero.  Noble  friends,  be  safe  : 

To  loose  your  selves  for  wordes,  were  as  vaine 

hazard, 

As  unto  me  small  comfort :   Fare  you  well. 
Would  all  Rome's  suffrings  in  my  fate  did  dwell.  70 
Lac.  Lictors,  away. 

Ltp.  Where  goes  he,  Laco  ? 

Lac.  Sir, 

H'is  banish'd  into  Pontia,  by  the  Senate. 

Arr.   Do'  I  see  ?  and  heare  ?  and  feele  ?  May 

I  trust  sense  ? 
Or  doth  my  phant'sie  forme  it  ? 

Ltp.  Where's  his  brother  ? 

Lac.   Drusus  is  prisoner  in  the  palace. 
Arr.  Ha?   75 

I  smell  it  now  :  'tis  ranke.  Where's  Agrippina  ? 
Lac.  The  princesse  is  confin'd,  to  Pandataria. 
Arr.   Bolts,  Vulcan ;  bolts,  for  Jove  !  Phoebus, 

thy  bow ; 
Sterne  Mars,  thy  sword ;  and  blue-ey'd  Maid, 

thy  speare ; 

Thy  club,  Alcides  :  all  the  armorie  go 

Of  heaven  is  too  little !  —  Ha  ?  to  guard 
The  gods,  I  meant.    Fine,  rare  dispatch  !    This 

same 
Was    swiftly    borne  !     confin'd  ?      imprison'd  ? 

banish'd  ? 
Most  tripartite  !  The  cause,  sir  ? 

73  and  heart.   W,  C,  O  omit  and. 


SCXNEV.]  £>efanu0  135 

Lac.  Treason. 

Arr.  O  ? 

The  complement  of  all  accusings  ?  that  85 

Will  hit,  when  all  else  failes. 

Lep.  This  turne  is  strange  ! 

But  yesterday,  the  people  would  not  heare 
Farre  lesse  objected,  but  cry'd,  Caesars  letters 
Were  false,  and  forg'd;  that  all  these  plots  were 

malice : 

And  that  the  ruine  of  the  Princes  house  90 

Was  practis'd  'gainst  his  knowledge.  Where  are 

now 

Their  voyces  ?  now,  that  they  behold  his  heires 
Lock'd  up,  disgrac'd,  led  into  exile  ? 

Arr.  Hush'd. 

Drown'd  in  their  bellies.   Wild  Sejanus  breath 
Hath,  like  a  whirle-wind,  scatter'd  that   poore 

dust,  95 

With  this  rude  blast.  Wee'll  talke  no  treason,  sir, 
He  turtles  to  Laco  and  the  rest. 
If  that  be  it  you  stand  for  ?  Fare  you  well. 
We  have  no  need  of  horse-leeches.   Good  spie, 
Now  you  are  spi'd,  be  gone. 

\Exeunt  Laco,  Nero,  and  Guards. ,] 
Lep.  I  feare,  you  wrong  him. 

He  has  the  voyce  to  be  an  honest  Romane.         100 

Arr.   And  trusted  to  this  office  ?   Lepidus, 
I'ld  sooner  trust  Greeke-Sinon,  then  a  man 
102  rid.   F3,  A,  W,  C,  I'll. 


136  £>rfanu0  (ACTIIII. 

Our  state  employes.  Hee's  gone :  and  being  gone, 
I  dare  tell  you  (whom  I  dare  better  trust) 
That  our  night-eyed  Tiberius  doth  not  see          105 
His  minions  drifts ;  or,  if  he  doe,  h'is  not 
So  errant  subtill,  as  we  fooles  doe  take  him  : 
To  breed  a  mungrell  up,  in  his  owne  house, 
With  his  owne  bloud,  and  (if  the  good  gods 

please) 

At  his  owne  throte,  flesh  him,  to  take  a  leape.    no 
I  doe  not  beg  it,  heav'n  :  but,  if  the  fates 
Grant  it  these  eyes,  they  must  not  winke. 

Lep.  They  must 

Not  see  it,  Lucius. 

Arr.  Who  should  let  'hem  ? 

Lep.  Zeale, 

And  dutie ;  with  the  thought,  he  is  our  Prince. 

Arr.   He  is  our  monster:  forfeited  to  vice       115 
So  far,  as  no  rack'd  vertue  can  redeeme  him. 
His  lothed  person  fouler  then  all  crimes : 
An  Emp'rour,  only  in  his  lusts.   Retir'd 
(From  all  regard  of  his  owne  fame,  or  Rome's) 
Into  an  obscure  Hand ;  where  he  lives  no 

(Acting  his  tragedies  with  a  comick  face) 
Amid'st  his  rout  of  Chaldee's  :  spending  houres, 
Dayes,  weekes,  and  months,  in  the  unkind  abuse 
Of  grave  astrologie,  to  the  bane  of  men, 
Casting  the  scope  of  mens  nativities,  125 

107  trrmt.  W,  C,  G,  arrant.  no  flesh.  Q,  traine. 


SCENE  V.]  *a>tfaiTtt$  137 

And  having  found  ought  worthy  in  their  fortune, 

Kill,  or  precipitate  them  in  the  sea, 

And  boast,  he  can  mocke  fate.  Nay,  muse  not : 

these 

Are  farre  from  ends  of  evill,  scarse  degrees. 
He  hath  his  slaughter-house,  at  Capreae;  130 

Where  he  doth  studie  murder,  as  an  arte : 
And  they  are  dearest  in  his  grace,  that  can 
Devise  the  deepest  tortures.  Thither,  too, 
He  hath  his  boyes,  and  beauteous  girles  tane  up, 
Out  of  our  noblest  houses,  the  best  form'd,        135 
Best  nurtur'd,  and  most  modest :   what's  their 

good 

Serves  to  provoke  his  bad.  Some  are  allur'd, 
Some  threatned;  others  (by  their  friends  detain'd) 
Are  ravish'd  hence,  like  captives,  and,  in  sight 
Of  their  most  grieved  parents,  dealt  away  140 

Unto  his  spintries,  sellaries,  and  slaves, 
Masters  of  strange,  and  new-commented  lusts, 
For  which  wise  nature  hath  not  left  a  name. 
To   this  (what  most   strikes  us,  and   bleeding 

Rome,) 

He  is,  with  all  his  craft,  become  the  ward  145 

To  his  owne  vassall,  a  stale  catamite  : 
Whom  he  (upon  our  low,  and  suffering  necks) 
Hath  rais'd,  from  excrement,  to  side  the  gods, 
And  have  his  proper  sacrifice  in  Rome : 

136  nurtur'd.   C,  natur'd. 


138  £>ffanuflf  [ACT  nil. 

Which  Jove  beholds,  and  yet  will  sooner  rive     150 
A  senselesse  oke  with  thunder,  then  his  trunck. 
To  them  Laco,  Pomponius,  Minutius  >  [later]  Terentius. 

Lac.   These  letters  make  men  doubtfull  what 

t'expect, 
Whether  his  comming,  or  his  death. 

Pomponius.  Troth,  both  : 

And  which  comes  soonest,  thanke  the  gods  for. 

(drr.  List, 

Their  talke  is  Caesar,  I  would  heare  all  voyces.)iS5 
[Arruntius  and  Lepidui  stand  aside.] 

Minutius.  One  day,  hee's  well ;  and  will  re- 

turne  to  Rome : 

The  next  day,  sicke ;  and  knowes  not  when  to 
hope  it. 

Lac.  True,  and  to  day,  one  of  Sejanus  friends 
Honour'd  by  speciall  writ ;  and  on  the  morrow 
Another  punish'd  — 

Pom.  By  more  speciall  writ.        160 

Mm.  This  man  receives  his  praises  of  Sejanus, 
A  second,  but  slight  mention  ;  a  third,  none : 
A  fourth,  rebukes.   And  thus  he  leaves  the  Senate 
Divided,  and  suspended,  all  uncertayne. 

Lac.  These  forked  tricks,  I  understand  'hem 

not,  165 

Would  he  would  tell  us  whom  he  loves,  or  hates, 
That  we  might  follow,  without  feare,  or  doubt. 

156   Minutiui.  FP  Mugn*  to  Mar.    (See  below,  1.  140.) 


vj  ^efanusf  139 

(Arr.  Good  Heliotrope !   Is  this  your  honest 

man  ? 
Let  him  be  yours  so  still.   He  is  my  knave.) 

Pom.   I  cannot  tell,  Sejanus  still  goes  on,         170 
And  mounts,  we  see  :  New  statues  are  advanc'd, 
Fresh  leaves  of  titles,  large  inscriptions  read, 
His  fortune  sworne  by,  himselfe  new  gone  out 
Caesars  colleague,  in  the  fifth  Consulship, 
More  altars  smoke  to  him,  then  all  the  gods  :     175 
What  would  wee  more  ? 

(y/rr.  That    the    deare   smoke    would 

choke  him, 
That  would  I  more. 

Lep.  Peace,  good  Arruntius.) 

Lac.  But  there  are  letters  come  (they  say) 

ev'n  now, 
Which  doe  forbid  that  last. 

Min.  Doe  you  heare  so  ? 

Lac.  Yes. 

Pom.  By  Pollux,  that's  the  worst. 

{.Arr.  By  Hercules,  best.)i8o 

Min.  I  did  not  like  the  signe,  when   Regulus, 
(Whom  all  we  know  no  friend  unto  Sejanus) 
Did,  by  Tiberius  so  precise  command, 
Succeed  a  fellow  in  the  Consulship  : 
It  boded  somewhat. 

177  That  -would  .  .  .  Arruntius.  Q,  FH,  FP  omit  both  half- 
lines  ;  see  note. 

1 80  Pollux  .  .  .  Hercules.  Q,  FH,  FP,  G,  Castor  .  .  .  Pol- 
lux 5  see  note. 


140  er-aniiG  |Acrini. 

Pom.  Not  a.  mote.   His  partner,  185 

Fulcinius  Trio,  is  his  owne,  and  sure.      Th    wAisf>fr 
Here  comes  Terentius.    He  can  give      wtk    Teren- 

us  more. 
Ltp.  Tie  ne're  beleeve,  but  Caesar  hath  some 

sent 

Of  bold  Sejanus  footing.  These  crosse  points 
Of  varying  letters,  and  opposing  Consuls,  190 

Mingling  his  honours,  and  his  punishments, 
Fayning  now  ill,  now  well,  raysing  Sejanus, 
And  then  depressing  him,  (as  now  of  late 
In  all  reports  we  have  it)  cannot  be 
Emptie  of  practice  :  'Tis  Tiberius  arte.  195 

For  (having  found  his  favorite  growne  too  great, 
And,  with  his  greatnesse,  strong;  that  all  the 

souldiers 

Are,  with  their  leaders,  made  at  his  devotion  ; 
That  almost  all  the  Senate  are  his  creatures, 
Or  hold  on  him  their  maine  dependances,  aoo 

Either  for  benefit,  or  hope,  or  feare ; 
And  that  himselfe  hath  lost  much  of  his  owne, 
By  parting  unto  him  ;  and  by  th'increase 
Of  his  ran  Ice  lusts,  and  rages,  quite  disarm'd 
Himselfe  of  love,  or  other  publique  meanes,        105 
To  dare  an  open  contestation) 
His  subtilty  hath  chose  this  doubling  line, 

1 86    Tkey  .    .  .    TertHiiui.   Q,  FH,  FP  omit. 
191    Mingling.   Q,  FH,  FP,  Mixing. 
005  other.   Fa,  F},  A,  rather. 


SCENE  V.]  £>efaiTU0  14! 

To  hold  him  even  in:  not  so  to  feare  him, 
As  wholly  put  him  out,  and  yet  give  checke 
Unto  his  farder  boldnesse.  In  meane  time,         210 
By  his  employments,  makes  him  odious 
Unto  the  staggering  rout,  whose  aide  (in  fine) 
He  hopes  to  use,  as  sure,  who  (when  they  sway) 
Beare  downe,  ore-turne  all  objects  in  their  way. 

Arr.  You  may  be  a  Linceus,  Lepidus  :  yet,  1 215 
See  no  such  cause,  but  that  a  politique  tyranne 
(Who  can  so  well  disguise  it)  should  have  tane 
A  neerer  way :  fain'd  honest,  and  come  home 
To  cut  his  throte,  by  law. 

Lep.  I,  but  his  feare 

Would  ne're  be  masqu'd,  all-be  his  vices  were.  220 

Pom.   His  lordship  then  is  still  in  grace  ? 

Terentius.  Assure  you, 

Never  in  more,  either  of  grace,  or  power. 

Pom.  The  gods  are  wise,  and  just. 

(Arr.  The  fiends  they  are. 

To  suffer  thee  belie  'hem  ?) 

Ter.  I  have  here 

His  last,  and  present  letters,  where  he  writes  him  225 
The  Partner  of  his  cares,  and  his  Sejanus  — 

Lac.   But  is  that  true,  it  'tis  prohibited, 
To  sacrifice  unto  him  ? 

Ter.  Some  such  thing 

Caesar  makes  scruple  of,  but  forbids  it  not ; 
No  more  then  to  himselfe :  sayes,he  could  wish  230 
It  were  forborne  to  all. 


142  £>rfanu*  [ACTUIL 

Lac.  Is  it  no  other  ? 

Ter.  No  other,  on  my  trust.   For  your  more 

surety, 
Here  is  that  letter  too. 

(y/rr.  How  easily, 

Doe  wretched   men   beleeve,  what  they  would 

have  ! 
Lookes  this  like  plot  ? 

Lep.  Noble  Arruntius,  stay.)   235 

Lac.   He  names  him  here  without  his  titles. 

(Lep.  Note. 

Arr.  Yes,  and  come  of  your  notable  foole.  I 
will.) 

Lac.  No  other,  then  Sejanus. 

Pom.  That's  but  haste 

In  him  that  writes.   Here  he  gives  large  amends. 

Mm.  And  with  his  owne  hand  written  ? 

Pom.  Yes. 

Lac.  In  deed?  140 

Ter.  Beleeve  it,  gentlemen,  Sejanus  brest 
Never  receiv'd  more  full  contentments  in, 
Then  at  this  present. 

Pom.  Takes  he  well  th'escape 

Of  young  Caligula,  with  Macro  ? 

Ter.  Faith, 

At  the  first  aire,  it  somewhat  troubled  him.         145 

235  flat.   F»,  F3,  A,  a  Plot. 

240  Min.  F,  etc.,  assign  to  Mar.  ;  cf.  I.  156  above.  In  that 
ca*e,  however,  the  error  was  corrected  in  tome  of  the  copies  of  F ; 
in  this  case,  not.  Ah.  W,  C  omit.  245  troubltd.  Q,  mated. 


SCENE  V.]  £>efattU$  1 43 

(Lep.  Observe  you  ? 

Arr.  Nothing.   Riddles.   Till  I  see 

Sejanus  strooke,  no  sound  thereof  strikes  me.) 
Pom.  I  like  it  not.  I  muse  h'would  not    at- 
tempt 

Somewhat  against  him  in  the  Consul-ship, 
Seeing  the  people  'ginne  to  favour  him.  25° 

Ter.   He  doth  repent  it,  now ;  but  h'has  em- 

ploy'd 

Pagonianus  after  him  :  and  he  holds 
That  correspondence,  there,  with  all  that  are 
Neere  about  Caesar,  as  no  thought  can  passe 
Without  his  knowledge,  thence,  in  act  to  front 

him.  255 

Pom.  I  gratulate  the  newes. 
Lac.  But,  how  comes  Macro 

So  in  trust,  and  favour,  with  Caligula  ? 

Pom.  O  sir,  he  ha's  a  wife ;  and  the  young 

Prince 

An  appetite  :  he  can  looke  up,  and  spie 
Flies  in  the  roofe,  when  there  are  fleas  i'bed ;      260 
And  hath  a  learned  nose  to'assure  his  sleepes. 
Who,  to  be  favour'd  of  the  rising  sunne, 
Would  not  lend  little  of  his  waning  moone  ? 
'  Tis  the  saf'st  ambition.  Noble  Terentius. 
Ter.  The  night  growes  fast  upon  us.  At  your 
service.  \Exeunt, .]  265 

CHORUS  —  Of  Musicians. 

260  i'bed.    G,  i'the  bed. 


ACT  V. 

[SCENE   I.    An  Apartment  in  Sejanus*  House. 
Enter]  Sejanus. 

Sejanu!.  Swell,  swell,  my  joyes:  and  faint  not 

to  declare 

Your  selves,  as  ample,  as  your  causes  are. 
I  did  not  live,  till  now;  this  my  first  hower: 
Wherein    I     see  my   thoughts   reach'd   by  my 

power. 

But  this,  and  gripe  my  wishes.  Great,  and  high,    5 
The  world  knowes  only  two,  that's  Rome,  and  I. 
My  roofe  receives  me  not ;  'tis  aire  I  tread  : 
And,  at  each  step,  I  feele  my'advanced  head 
Knocke  out  a  starre  in  heav'n  !    Rear'd  to  this 

height, 

All  my  desires  seeme  modest,  poore  and  sleight,  10 
That  did  before  sound  impudent :  'Tis  place, 
Not  bloud,  discernes  the  noble,  and  the  base. 
Is  there  not  something  more,  then  to  be  Caesar  ? 
Must  we  rest  there  ?  It  yrkes,  t'have  come  so  far, 
To  be  so  neere  a  stay.  Caligula,  15 

Would  thou  stood'st   stiffe,  and   many,  in   our 

way. 
Windes  lose  their  strength,  when  they  doe  emptie 

flie, 


SCENE  i.]  *3>e|anu0  145 

Un-met  of  woods  or  buildings ;  great  fires  die 
That  want  their  matter  to  with-stand  them ;  so, 
It  is  our  griefe,  and  will  be'our  losse,  to  know     ao 
Our  power  shall  want  opposites;  unlesse 
The  gods,  by  mixing  in  the  cause,  would  blesse 
Our  fortune,  with  their  conquest.  That  were 

worth 
Sejanus  strife':  durst  fates  but  bring  it  forth. 

\_Ent  er\    Terenlius,  [to~\  Sejanus. 
Terentius.  Safety,  to  great  Sejanus. 
Sej.  Now,  Terentius  ?  25 

Ter.   Heares  not  my  lord  the  wonder  ? 
Sej.  Speake  it,  no. 

Ter.   I  meete  it  violent  in  the  peoples  mouthes, 
Who  runne,  in  routs,  to  Pompey's  theatre, 
To  view  your  statue  :  which,  they  say,  sends  forth 
A  smoke,  as  from  a  fornace,  black,  and  dread- 
full.  30 
Sej.  Some  traytor  hath  put  fire  in :  (you,  goe 

see.) 

And  let  the  head  be  taken  off,  to  looke 
What  'tis  —  [Exit  Servus.~\ 

Some  slave  hath  practis'd  an  imposture, 
To  stirre  the  people.   How  now?  why  returne 

you  ? 

To  them:  [re-enter  Servus,  with]  Satrius,  [and~\  Natta. 
Satrius.  The  head,  my  lord,  already  is  tane 
off,  35 

To  them.  Q,  FH,  FP  omit. 


I46  er  M11U5  [AcrV. 

I  saw  it :  and,  at  op'ning,  there  leap't  out 
A  great,  and  monstrous  serpent ! 

Stj.  Monstrous  !  why  ? 

Had  it  a  beard  ?  and  homes  ?  no  heart  ?  a  tongue 
Forked  as  flatterie  ?  look'd  it  of  the  hue, 
To  such  as  live  in  great  mens  bosomes?  was        40 
The  spirit  of  it  Macro's  ? 

Natta.  May  it  please 

The  most  divine  Sejanus,  in  my  dayes, 
(And  by  his  sacred  fortune,  I  affirme  it) 
I  have  not  scene  a  more  extended,  growne, 
Foule,  spotted,  venomous,  ugly  — 

Sej.  O,  the  fates !  4S 

What  a  wild  muster's  here  of  attributes, 
T'expresse  a  worme,  a  snake  ? 

Ter.  But  how  that  should 

Come  there,  my  lord ! 

Sej.  What !  and  you  too,  Terentius  ? 

I  thinke  you  meane  to  make't  a  prodigie 
In  your  reporting  ? 

Ter.  Can  the  wise  Sejanus  50 

Thinke  heav'n  hath  meant  it  lesse  ? 

Sej.  O,  superstition  ! 

Why,  then  the  falling  of  our  bed,  that  brake 
This    morning,    burd'ned     with    the    populous 

weight 

Of  our  expecting  clients,  to  salute  us ; 
48  Iwd!    FH,  FP,  lord? 


i.]  g>efanu0  147 

Or  running  of  the  cat,  betwixt  our  legs,  55 

As  we  set  forth  unto  the  capitoll, 
Were  prodigies. 

Ter.  I  thinke  them  ominous! 

And,  would  they  had  not  hap'ned.  As,  to  day, 
The  fate  of  some  your  servants  !  who,  declining 
Their  way,  not  able,  for  the  throng,  to  follow,    60 
Slip't  downe   the   Gemonies,  and    brake    their 

necks ! 

Besides,  in  taking  your  last  augurie, 
No  prosperous  bird  appear'd,  but  croking  ravens 
Flag'd  up  and  downe :  and  from  the  sacrifice 
Flew  to  the  prison,  where  they  sate,  all  night,     65 
Beating  the  aire  with  their  obstreperous  beakes ! 
I  dare  not  counsell,  but  I  could  entreat 
That  great  Sejanus  would  attempt  the  gods, 
Once  more,  with  sacrifice. 

Sej.  What  excellent  fooles 

Religion  makes  of  men  ?   Beleeves  Terentius,      70 
(If  these  were  dangers,  as  I  shame  to  thinke 

them) 
The  gods  could  change  the  certayne  course  of 

fate  ? 

Or,  if  they  could,  they  would  (now,  in  a  mo- 
ment) 

For  a  beeves  fat,  or  lesse,  be  brib'd  t'invert 
Those  long  decrees  ?  Then    thinke   the   gods, 

like  flies,  75 

59  declining.  Q,  diverting. 


1 48  ^efanua  [ACIV. 

Are  to  be  taken  with  the  steame  of  flesh, 
Or  bloud,  diffus'd  about  their  altars :  thinke 
Their  power  as  cheape,  as  I  esteeme  it  small. 
Of  all  the  throng,  that  fill  th'Olympian  hall, 
And  (without  pitty)  lade  poore  Atlas  back,  80 

I  know  not  that  one  deity,  but  Fortune ; 
To  whom,  I  would  throw  up,  in  begging  smoke, 
One  grane  of  incense :  or  whose  ear  Fid  buy 
With  thus  much  oyle.   Her,  I,  indeed,  adore ; 
And  keepe  her  gratefull  image  in  my  house,         85 
Some-times  belonging  to  a  Romane  king, 
But,  now  call'd  mine,  as  by  the  better  stile : 
To  her,  I  care  not,  if  (for  satisfying 
Your  scrupulous  phant'sies)  I  goe  offer.  Bid 
Our  priest  prepare  us  honny,  milke,  and  poppy,  90 
His  masculine  odours,  and  night-vestments  :  say, 
Our  rites  are  instant,  which  perform'd,  you'll  see 
How  vaine,  and  worthy  laughter,  your  feares  be. 

[Exeunt.] 

[SCENE  II.    Another  Room  in  the  Same. 
Enter]  Cot  (a,  [and]  Pomponiui. 

Cotta.  Pomponius  !  whither  in  such  speed  ? 
Pomponius.  I  goe 

To  give  my  lord  Sejanus  notice  — 

Cot.  What  ? 

Pom.  Of  Macro. 

86  Seme-timti.  W,  C,  G,  Sometime. 


SCENE  in.]  g>efattU0  1 49 

Cot.  Is  he  come  ? 

Pom.  Entr'd  but  now 

The  house  of  Regulus. 

Cot.  The  opposite  Consul  ? 

Pom.  Some  halfe  houre  since. 

Cot.  And,  by  night  too  !   stay,  sir  ; 

I'le  beare  you  companie. 

Pom.  Along,  then  — 

[Exeunt, ,] 

[SCENE  III.   A  Room  in  Regulus' 's  House. 

Enter~\  Macro,  Regulus,    \_and  Attendants, 
later]  Laco. 

Macro.  Tis  Caesars  will,  to  have  a  frequent 

Senate. 

And  therefore  must  your  edict  lay  deepe  mulct 
On  such,  as  shall  be  absent. 

Regulus.  So  it  doth. 

Beare  it  my  fellow  Consul  to  adscribe. 

Mac.  And  tell  him  it  must  early  be  proclaimed ; 
The  place,  Apollo's  temple.       [Exit  Attendant.] 

Reg.  That's  remembred. 

Mac.  And  at  what  houre  ? 

Reg.  Yes. 

Mac.  You  doe  forget 

To  send  one  for  the  Provost  of  the  watch  ? 

Reg.  I  have  not :  here  he  comes. 

Mac.  Gracinus  Laco, 


[ACTV. 

You'are  a  friend  most  welcome  :   by,  and  by,       >o 
I'le  speake  with  you.  (You  must  procure  this  list 
Of  the  Prstorian  cohorts,  with  the  names 
Of  the  Centurions,  and  their  Tribunes. 

R<g.  I.) 

Mac.  I  bring  you  letters,  and  a  health  from 
Caesar  — 

Laco.  Sir,  both  come  well. 

Mac.  (And  heare  you,  with  your  note,  15 

Which  are  the  eminent  men,  and  most  of  action. 

Reg.  That  shall  be  done  you  too.) 

The  Consul  goes  out. 

Mac.  Most  worthy  Laco, 

Caesar  salutes  you.  (Consul !  death,  and  furies  ! 
Gone  now  ?)  the  argument  will  please  you,  sir. 
(Hough  !  Regulus  ?  The  anger  of  the  gods  *o 

Follow  his  diligent  legs,  and  over'take  'hem, 
In  likenesse  of  the  gout.)  [The  Consul]  Returnes: 

O,  good  my  lord, 

We  lackt  you  present ;  I  would  pray  you  send 
Another  to  Fulcinius  Trio,  straight, 
To  tell  him, you  will  come,  and  speake  with  him:  15 
(The  matter  wee'le  devise)  to  stay  him,  there, 
While  I,  with  Laco,  doe  survay  the  watch. 
What  are  your  strengths,  Gracinus  ? 

[  The  Consul]   Goes  out  againe. 

Lac.  Seven  cohorts. 

ai  AII.  Q,  G,  your.          ai  food  my.  W,  C,  G,  my  good. 


£>efamt$  151 

Mac.  You  see,  what  Caesar  writes :  and  ( — 


gone  agame  r 

H'has  sure  a  veine  of  mercury  in  his  feet)  30 

Knew  you,  what  store  of  the  praetorian  souldiers 
Sejanus  holds,  about  him,  for  his  guard  ? 

Lac.  I  cannot  the  just  number  :  but,  I  thinke, 
Three  centuries. 

Mac.  Three  ?  good. 

Lac.  At  most,  not  foure. 

Mac.  And  who  be  those  Centurions? 

Lac.  That  the  Consul  35 

Can  best  deliver  you. 

Mac.  (When  h'is  away  : 

Spight,  on  his  nimble  Industrie.)  Gracinus, 
You   find  what  place  you  hold,  there,  in   the 

trust 
Of  royall  Caesar  ? 

Lac.  I,  and  I  am  — 

Mac.  Sir, 

The  honours,  there  propos'd,  are  but  beginnings  40 
Of  his  great  favours. 

Lac .  They  are  more  — 

Mac.  I  heard  him 

When  he  did  studie,  what  to  adde  — 

Lac.  My  life, 

And  all  I  hold  — 

31   Knew.  W,  C,  G,  know. 

34  centuries.  F$,  A,  Centurions.      35  Centurions.  C,  centuries. 


152  £*famt*  |AcrV. 

Mac.  You  were  his  owne  first  choise ; 

Which   doth   confirme   as   much,   as   you   can 

speake : 
And  will  (if  we  succeed)  make  more  —  Your 

guardes  45 

Are  seven  cohorts,  you  say  ? 

Lac.  Yes. 

Mac.  Those  we  must 

Hold  still  in  readinesse,  and  undischarg'd. 

Lac.  I    understand    so    much.     But    how    it 
can  — 

Mac.   Be  done  without  suspition,  you'll  ob- 
ject ? 

Reg.  What's  that  ?  Returnts. 

Lac.         The  keeping  of  the  watch  in  armes,   50 
When  morning  comes. 

Mac.  The  Senate  shall  be  met,  and  set 

So  early,  in  the  temple,  as  all  marke 
Of  that  will  be  avoided. 

Reg.  If  we  need, 

We  have  commission,  to  possesse  the  palace, 
Enlarge  prince  Drusus,  and  make  him  our  chiefe.   55 

Mac.  (That    secret   would   have   burn't   his 

reverend  mouth, 

Had  he  not  spit  it  out,  now  :)  by  the  gods, 
You  carry  things  too  —  let  me  borrow'a  man, 
Or  two,  to  beare  these —  That  of  freeing  Drusus, 

Returntt.  Q,  FH  omit.  53   'will.    G,  shall. 


SCENE  iv.]  £>efanu0  153 

Caesar  projected  as  the  last,  and  utmost ;  60. 

Not  else  to  be  remembred. 

Reg.  Here  are  servants. 

Mac.  These  to  Arruntius,  these  to  Lepidus, 
This  beare  to  Cotta,  this  to  Latiaris. 
If  they  demand  you'of  me :  say,  I  have  tane 
Fresh  horse,  and  am  departed.  \_Exeunt  Servants.] 

You  (my  lord)         65 

To  your  colleague,  and  be  you  sure,  to  hold  him 
With  long  narration,  of  the  new  fresh  favours, 
Meant  to  Sejanus,  his  great  patron ;  I, 
With  trusted  Laco,  here,  are  for  the  guards  : 
Then,  to  divide.   For,  night  hath  many  eies,         70 
Whereof,  though  most  doe  sleepe,  yet  some  are 
spies.  [Exeunt.] 

[SCENE  IV.    A  Sacellum  (or  Chapel}   in  Sej anus's 
House. 

Enter]  Pr<econes,  Flamen,  Ministri,  [Tubicines, 
Tibicines,]  Sejanus,   Terentius,  Satrius,  [Natta,]   &f. 

Presco.  Be  all  profane  farre  hence;  Flie,  flie 

farre  off: 
Be  absent  farre.  Farre  hence  be  all  profane. 

Flamen.  We   have  beene  faultie,  but     r«£  [/«»«], 

repent  us  now,  r/£[/«»«] 

A      |  |     .  .          ,  sound  "while 

And  bring  pure  hands,  pure  vestments,    t^ 
and  pure  minds.  -w 

Tub.    .    .    .   -waiheth.  Q,  FH  insert  These  after  Tib. 


154  £>rfanu$ 

/.  Min.  Pure  vessells. 
2.  Min.  And  pure  offrings. 

j.  Min.  Garlands  pure.     5 

Fla.   Bestow  your  garlands  :  and  (with  rever- 
ence) place 
The  vervin  on  the  altar. 

Pra.  Favour  your  tongues. 

Fla.  Great  mother  Fortune,  Queene  of  hu- 
mane state, 

Rectresse  of  action,  Arbitresse  of  fate, 
To  whom  all  sway,  all  power,  all  empire  bowes,  10 
Be  present,  and  propitious  to  our  vowes. 
Free.   Favour  it  with  your  tongues. 
Min.   Be  present, and  propitious  to  our  vowes. 
Accept  our  offring,  and  be  pleas'd,  great  goddesse. 
While  they  sound  againe,  the  Flamen  takes 
of  the  bony,  toitb  bis  finger,   &  lasts, 
then  ministers  to  all  the  rest:  so  of  the 
milk,  in  an  earthen  vessel,  be  deals  about ; 
which  done,  be  sprinkleth,  upon  the  altar, 
milke  ;  then  impose tb  the  bony,  and  kind- 
letb  bis  gummes,  and  after  tensing  about 
the  altar  placetb  bis  censer  thereon,  into 
which  they  put  several!  branches  of  poppy, 
and  the  musioue  ceasing,  proceed. 
5  /  Min.    Q  and  K  print  Min.,  not  distinguishing  here,  or  in 
1.  13,  among  the  Miniuri. 

14  Acttpf  .  .     goddtiit.    G,   following  Q,  assigns   this  line  to 
Outlet.   Thus  far  F  uses  italics,  except  in  1.  I  of  Flamen  j 
and,  1.  4;  and,  \.  5;  and  second  speech  of  Flamen. 
Whit  .    .    .  procttd.     F,  by  U.   14-35. 


SCENE  IV.]  £>efattU0  155 

Terentius.  See,  see,  the  image  stirres  ! 

Satrius.  And  turnes  away  !   15 

Natta.  Fortune  averts  her  face  ! 

Fla.  Avert,  you  gods, 

The  prodigie.  Still !  still !  Some  pious  rite 
We  have  neglected.  Yet !  heav'n,  be  appeas'd. 
And  be  all  tokens  false,  or  void,  that  speake 
Thy  present  wrath. 

Sejanus.       Be  thou  dumbe,  scrupulous  priest :  zo 
And  gather  up  thy  selfe,  with  these  thy  wares, 
Which  I,  in  spight  of  thy  blind  mistris,  or 
Thy  juggling  mysterie,  religion,  throw 
Thus,  scorned  on  the  earth.   [  Overturns  the  altar.  ] 

Nay,  hold  thy  looke 

Averted,  till  I  woo  thee,  turne  againe ;  25 

And  thou  shalt  stand,  to  all  posteritie, 
Th'eternall  game,  and  laughter,  with  thy  neck 
Writh'd  to  thy  taile,  like  a  ridiculous  cat. 
Avoid  these  fumes,  these  superstitious  lights, 
And  all  these  coos'ning  ceremonies:  you,  30 

Your  pure,  and  spiced  conscience. 

[Exeunt  all  but  Sejanus,  Terentius,  Satrius, 
and  Natta. ,] 

I,  the  slave, 
And   mock   of  fooles,  (scorne   on  my    worthy 

heade) 
That  have  beene  titled,  and  ador'd  a  god, 

19  or,  W,  C,  G,  and. 


156  £>rfanu$ 

Yea,  sacrific'd  unto,  my  selfe,  in  Rome, 

No  lesse  then  Jove :  and  I  be  brought,  to  doe      35 

A  peevish  gigglot  rites  ?   Perhaps,  the  thought, 

And  shame  of  that  made  Fortune  turne  her  face, 

Knowing  her  selfe  the  lesser  deitie, 

And  but  my  servant.  Bashfuil  queene,  if  so, 

Sejanus  thankes  thy  modestie.   Who's  that?         40 

[Enter]  Pomponius,  [to~\  Sejanus,  [tvitfc]  Minutius,  &c. 

Pomponius.   His  fortune  suffers,  till  he  heares 

my  newes: 
I  have  waited  here  too  long.   Macro,  my  lord  — 

Sej.  Speake  lower,  and  with-draw. 

[Takes  him  aside.] 

Ter.  Are  these  things  true  ? 

Minutius.  Thousands  are  gazing  at  it,  in  the 
streets. 

Sej.  What's  that  ? 

Ter.  Minutius  tells  us  here,  my  lord,  45 

That,  a  new  head  being  set  upon  your  statue, 
A  rope  is  since  found  wreath'd  about  it !  and, 
But  now,  a  fierie  meteor,  in  the  forme 
Of  a  great  ball,  was  scene  to  rowle  along 
The  troubled  ayre,  where  yet  it  hangs,  unper- 

fect,  5° 

The  amazing  wonder  of  the  multitude  ! 

Sej.  No  more.  That  Macro's  come,  is  more 
then  all! 

Ter.   Is  Macro  come  ? 


SCENE  IV.]  £>rfattU0  157 

Pom.  I  saw  him. 

Ter.  Where  ?  with  whom  ? 

Pom.  With  Regulus. 

Sej.  Terentius  — 

Ter.  My  lord  ? 

Sej.  Send  for  the  Tribunes,  we  will  straight 

have  up  55 

More  of  the  souldiers,  for  our  guard. 

[Exit  TerentiusJ\ 
Minutius, 

We  pray  you,  goe  for  Cotta,  Latiaris, 
Trio  the  Consul,  or  what  Senators 
You  know  are  sure,  and  ours.    [Exit  Minutius.~\ 

You,  my  good  Natta, 
For  Laco,  Provost  of  the  watch.    [Exit  Natta.~\ 

Now,  Satrius,  60 
The  time  of  proofe  comes  on.   Arme  all  our 

servants, 
And  without  tumult.  \_Exit  Satrius.] 

You,  Pomponius, 

Hold  some  good  correspondence,  with  the  Consul, 
Attempt  him,  noble  friend.        [Exit  Pomponius.] 

These  things  begin 

To  looke  like  dangers,  now,  worthy  my  fates.      65 
Fortune,  I  see  thy  worst :   Let  doubtfull  states, 
And  things  uncertaine  hang  upon  thy  will : 
Me  surest  death  shall  render  certaine  still. 
Yet,  why  is,  now,  my  thought  turn'd  toward 
death, 


158  £>rfanu0 

Whom  fates  have  let  goe  on,  so  farre,  in  breath,  70 
Uncheck'd,  or  unreprov'd  ?  I,  that  did  helpe 
To  fell  the  loftie  Cedar  of  the  world, 
Germanicus ;  that,  at  one  stroke,  cut  downe 
Drusus,  that  upright  Elme ;  wither' d  his  vine ; 
Laid  Silius,  and  Sabinus,  two  strong  Okes,  75 

Flat  on  the  earth ;  besides,  those  other  shrubs, 
Cordus,  and  Sosia,  Claudia  Pulchra, 
Furnius,  and  Gallus,  which  I  have  grub'd  up ; 
And  since,  have  set  my  axe  so  strong,  and  deepe 
Into  the  roote  of  spreading  Agrippine ;  80 

Lopt  off,  and  scatterM  her  proud  branches,  Nero, 
Drusus,  and  Caius  too,  although  re-planted ; 
If  you  will,  destinies,  that,  after  all, 
I  faint,  now,  ere  I  touch  my  period  ; 
You  are  but  cruell :  and  I  alreadie  have  done       85 
Things  great  inough.  All  Rome  hath  beene  my 

slave ; 

The  Senate  sate  an  idle  looker  on, 
And  witnesseof  my  power;  when  I  haveblush'd, 
More,  to  command,  then  it  to  suffer ;  all 
The  Fathers  have  sate  readie,  and  prepar'd,          90 
To  give  me  empire,  temples,  or  their  throtes, 
When  I  would  aske  'hem;  and  (what  crownes 

the  top) 

Rome,  Senate,  people,  all  the  world  have  scene 
Jove,  but  my  equall :  Caesar,  but  my  second. 

77   Claudia  Pulchra.   Fi-C,  Claudia,  Pulchra. 
80  Agrifpint.   Fi-C,  Agrippina. 


SC.M.VJ  g>eianu0  159 

'Tis   then  your  malice,   fates,  who  (but  your 

owne)  95 

Envy,  and  feare,  t'have  any  power  long  knowne. 

[Exit.] 

[SCENE  V.  A  Room  in  the  Same. 
Enter~\   Terentius,  Tribunes. 

Terentius.  Stay  here :   Fie  give  his  lordship, 
you  are  come. 

[Enter]   Minutius,  Cotta,  Latiaris. 
Minutius.  Marcus  Terentius,   pray  you  tell 

my  lord, 

Here's  Cotta,  and  Latiaris.  [Exit.] 

Ter.  Sir,  I  shall. 

They  confer  their  letters. 

Cotta.  My  letter  is  the  very  same  with  yours ; 
Onely  requires  mee  to  bee  present  there,  5 

And  give  my  voyce,  to  strengthen  his  designe. 
Latiaris.  Names  he  not  what  it  is  ? 
Cot.  No,  nor  to  you. 

Lat.  'Tis  strange,  and  singular  doubtfull ! 
Cot.  So  it  is  ? 

It  may  bee  all  is  left  to  lord  Sejanus. 

To  them  [enter]  Natta,  [and]  Laco. 
Natta.   Gentlemen,  where's  my  lord  ? 
I  Tribune.  Wee  wait  him  here.  10 

Cot.  The  Provost  Laco  ?  what's  the  newes  ? 

8  singular.  F3,  A  omit. 
10  I  Tribune.   Q,  F,  Trib.  only,  here  and  in  11.   162-63. 


160 

Lot.  My  lord  — 

To  them  [enter]  Sejanus. 

Sejanus.  Now,  my   right    deare,  noble,  and 

trusted  friends ; 

How  much  I  am  a  captive  to  your  kindnesse ! 
Most  worthy  Cotta,  Latiaris ;  Laco, 
Your  valiant  hand  ;  and  gentlemen,  your  loves.   15 
I  wish  I  could  divide  my  selfe  unto  you ; 
Or  that  it  lay,  within  our  narrow  powers, 
To  satisfie  for  so  enlarged  bountie. 
Gracinus,  we  must  pray  you,  hold  your  guardes 
Unquit,  when  morning  comes.  Saw  you  the  Con- 
sul ?  ao 

Mm.  Trio  will  presently  be  here,  my  lord. 

Cot.  They  are  but  giving  order  for  the  edict, 
To  warne  the  Senate. 

Stj.  How  !  the  Senate  ? 

Lot.  Yes. 

This  morning,  in  Apollo's  temple. 

Cot.  We 

Are  charg'd,  by  letter,  to  be  there,  my  lord.          25 

Sej.  By  letter  ?  pray  you  let's  see. 

Lot.  Knowes  not  his  lordship  ! 

Cot.  It  seemes  so  ! 

Sej.  A  Senate  warn'd  ?  without  my 

knowledge  ? 

And  on  this  sodaine  ?  Senators  by  letters 
Required  to  be  there  !  who  brought  these  ? 


SCENE  V.]  %>t\mU£  l6l 

Cot.  Macro. 

Sej.  Mine  enemie  !  And  when  ? 
Cot.  This  mid-night. 

Sej.  Time,  30 

With  ev'ry  other  circumstance,  doth  give 
}t  hath  some  streine  of  engin  in't !   How  now  ? 

[Enter]   Satrius,   [to]  Sejanus,  &c. 
Satrius.  My  lord,  Sertorius  Macro  is  without, 
Alone,  and  prayes  t'have  private  conference 
In  businesse,  of  high  nature,  with  your  lordship,  35 
(He  say's  to  me)  and  which  reguards  you  much. 
Sej.  Let  him  come  here. 

Sat.  Better,  my  lord,  with-draw, 

You  will   betray  what  store,  and  strength   of 

friends 

Are  now  about  you ;  which  he  comes  to  spie. 
Sej.  Is  he  not  arm'd  ? 
Sat.  Wee'll  search  him. 

Sej.  No,  but  take,  40 

And  lead  him  to  some  roome,  where  you,  con- 

ceal'd, 
May  keepe  a  guard  upon  us.          [Exit  Satrius.~] 

Noble  Laco, 

You  are  our  trust :  and,  till  our  owne  cohorts 
Can  be  brought  up,  your  strengths  must  be  our 

guard. 

Now,  good  Minutius,  honour'd  Latiaris,  45 

He  salutes  them  humbly. 


1 62  ^rfanU0  [ArrV. 

Most  worthy,  and  my  most  unwearied  friends : 
I  returne  instantly.  [Exit.] 

Lot.  Most  worthy  lord  ! 

Cot.   His  lordship  is  turn'd  instant  kind,  me 

thinkes, 
I'have  not  observ'd  it  in  him,  heretofore. 

Tri.  i.  'Tis  true,  and  it  becomes  him  nobly. 

Mm.  I 

Am  rap't  withall. 

Tri.  2.  By  Mars,  he  has  my  lives, 

(Were  they  a  million)  for  this  onely  grace. 

Laco.  I,  and  to  name  a  man ! 

Lot.  As  he  did  me  ! 

Min.  And  me ! 

Lot.  Who  would  not  spend  his  life 

and  fortunes, 
To  purchase  but  the  looke  of  such  a  lord  ? 

Lac.  \ande].    He,  that  would  nor  be   lords 
foole,  nor  the  worlds. 

[Curtain  drawn,  disclosing  another  room.] 

[Enter]  Sejanus,  Macro,  [and  Satrius.] 
Sej.  Macro !  most  welcome,  as  most  coveted 

friend  ! 
Let  me  enjoy  my  longings.  When  arriv'd  you  ? 

51   raf't.   W,  C,  G,  wrapt. 

56  nor  he.    A,  not  be.   For  icene-divwion  tee  note  on  1.  56. 

57  at.  W,  C,  G,t. 


SCENE  V.]  £>CJantl0  163 

Macro.  About  the  noone  of  night. 

Sej.  Satrius,  give  leave. 

[Exit  Satrius.~\ 

Mac.  I  have  beene,  since  I  came,  with  both 

the  Consuls,  60 

On  a  particular  designe  from  Caesar. 

Sej.  How  fares  it  with  our  great,  and  royall 
master  ? 

Mac.  Right  plentifully  well ;  as,  with  a  prince, 
That  still  holds  out  the  great  proportion 
Of  his  large  favours,  where  his  judgement  hath  65 
Made  once  divine  election :  like  the  god, 
That  wants  not,  nor  is  wearied  to  bestow 
Where  merit  meets  his  bountie,  as  it  doth 
In  you,  alreadie  the  most  happy,  and  ere 
The  sunne   shall  climbe  the  south,  most  high 

Sejanus.  70 

Let  not  my  lord  be'amus'd.  For,  to  this  end 
Was  I  by  Caesar  sent  for,  to  the  isle, 
With  speciall  caution  to  conceale  my  journey ; 
And,  thence,  had  my  dispatch  as  privately 
Againe  to  Rome ;  charg'd  to  come  here  by  night  j  75 
And,  onely  to  the  Consuls,  make  narration 
Of  his  great  purpose  :  that  the  benefit 
Might  come  more   full,  and   striking,  by   how 

much 

It  was  lesse  look'd  for,  or  aspir'd  by  you, 
Or  least  informed  to  the  common  thought.  80 


164  &>efanu0 

Sfj.  What  may  this  be  ?    part  of  my  selfe, 

deare  Macro ! 

If  good,  speake  out :  and  share  with  your  Se- 
janus. 

Mac.  If  bad,  I  should  for  ever  lothe  my  selfe, 
To  be  the  messenger  to  so  good  a  lord. 
I  doe  exceed  m'instructions,  to  acquaint  85 

Your  lordship  with  thus  much  ;  but  'tis  my  ven- 
ture 

On  your  retentive  wisedome  :  and,  because 
I  would  no  jealous  scruple  should  molest 
Or  racke  your  peace  of  thought.  For,  I  assure 
My  noble  lord,  no  Senator  yet  knowes  90 

The  businesse  meant :  though  all,  by  several! 

letters, 

Are  warned  to  be  there,  and  give  their  voyccs, 
Onely  to  adde  unto  the  state,  and  grace 
Of  what  is  purpos'd. 

Sej.  You  take  pleasure,  Macro, 

Like  a  coy  wench,  in  torturing  your  lover.  95 

What  can  be  worth  this  suffering  ? 

Mac.  That  which  followes, 

The  tribuniciall  dignitie,  and  power : 
Both  which  Sejanus  is  to  have  this  day 
Confer*  d  upon  him,  and  by  publique  Senate. 

Sej.  [aside] .  Fortune,  be  mine  againe ;  thou 

hast  satisfied  100 

For  thy  suspected  loyaltie. 

Mac.  My  lord, 


SCENE  V.]  &t\*m8  165 

I  have  no  longer  time,  the  day  approcheth, 
And  I  must  backe  to  Caesar. 

Stj.  Where's  Caligula  ? 

Mac.  That  I   forgot   to    tell  your  lordship. 

Why, 

He  lingers  yonder,  about  Capreae,  105 

Disgrac'd ;  Tiberius  hath  not  scene  him  yet : 
He  needs  would  thrust  himselfe  to  goe  with  me, 
Against  my  wish,  or  will,  but  I  have  quitted 
His  forward  trouble,  with  as  tardie  note 
As  my  neglect,  or  silence  could  afford  him.        no 
Your  lordship  cannot  now  command  me  ought, 
Because,  I  take  no  knowledge  that  I  saw  you, 
But  I  shall  boast  to  live  to  serve  your  lordship : 
And  so  take  leave. 

Sej.  Honest,  and  worthy  Macro, 

Your  love,  and  friendship.  [Exit  Macro.~\ 

Who's  there  ?  Satrius,  i 1 5 
Attend  my  honourable  friend  forth.   O  ! 
How  vaine,  and  vile  a  passion  is  this  feare  ? 
What  base,  uncomely  things  it  makes  men  doe  ? 
Suspect  their  noblest  friends,  (as  I  did  this) 
Flatter  poore  enemies,  intreat  their  servants,       no 
Stoupe,  court,  and  catch  at  the  benevolence 
Of  creatures,  unto  whom  (within  this  houre) 
I  would  not  have  vouchsaf'd  a  quarter-looke, 
Or  piece  of  face?   By  you,  that  fooles  call  gods, 
Hang  all  the  skie  with  your  prodigious  signes,    125 

HO  afford  him.  Q,  bestow. 


1 66  £>rfanu* 

Fill    earth    with    monsters,  drop  the    scorpion 

downe, 

Out  of  the  zodiack,  or  the  fiercer  lyon, 
Shake  off  the  loos'ned  globe  from  her  long  henge, 
Rowle  all  the  world  in  darkenesse,  and  let  loose 
Th'inraged    windes    to    turne    up    groves    and 

townes ;  1 30 

When  I  doe  feare  againe,  let  me  be  strooke 
With  forked  fire,  and  unpittyed  die : 
Who  feares,  is  worthy  of  calamitie. 
\7be  curtain  is  here  closed,   and  the  scene  returns  to 

the  former  room.] 

To  the  rest  [enter]  Pomponius,  Regulus,  Trio. 
Pomponius.  Is  not  my  lord  here  ? 
Ter.  Sir,  he  will  be  straight. 

Cot.  What  newes,  Fulcinius  Trio  ? 
Trio.  Good,  good  tidings.  135 

(But,  keepe  it  to  your  selfe)  My  lord  Sejanus 
Is  to  receive  this  day,  in  open  Senate, 
The  tribuniciall  dignitie. 

Cot.  Is't  true  ? 

Tri.  No  wordes ;  not  to  your  thought  :  but, 

sir,  beleeve  it. 

Lot.  What  sayes  the  Consul  ? 
Cot.  (Speake  it  not  againe,)  140 

He  tells  me,  that  to  day  my  lord  Sejanus  — 
(Tri.    I   must   entreat   you    Cotta,  on   your 

honour 
Not  to  reveale  it. 


167 

Cot.  On  my  life,  sir.) 

Lot.  Say. 

Cot.  Is  to  receive  the  tribuniciall  power. 
But,  as  you  are  an  honourable  man,  145 

Let  me  conjure  you,  not  to  utter  it : 
For  it  is  trusted  to  me,  with  that  bond. 

Lat.  I  am  Harpocrates. 

Ter.  Can  you  assure  it  ? 

Pom.  The  Consul  told  it  me,  but  keepe  it 
close. 

Min.  Lord  Latiaris,  what's  the  newes  ? 

Lat.  I'le  tell  you,  150 

But  you  must  sweare  to  keepe  it  secret  — 
To  them  \_enter]  Sejanus. 

Sej.  I  knew  the  fates  had  on  their  distaffe 

left 
More  of  our  thread,  then  so. 

Regulus.  Haile,  great  Sejanus. 

Tri.  Haile,  the  most  honor'd. 

Cot.  Happy. 

Lat.  High  Sejan'. 

Sej.  Doe  you  bring  prodigies  too  ? 

Tri.  May  all  presage  155 

Turne  to  those  faire  effects,  whereof  we  bring 
Your  lordship  newes. 

Reg.  May't  please  my  lord  with-draw. 

Sej.  Yes.  (I  will  speake  with  you,  anon.) 

To  some  that  stand  by. 


1 68  &r  |anu0 

Ttr.  My  lord, 

What  is  your  pleasure  for  the  Tribunes  ? 

Sfj.  Why, 

Let  'hem  be  thank't,  and  sent  away. 

Min.  My  lord — 160 

Lac.  Wilt  please  your  lordship  to  command 
me  — 

&/.  No. 

You  are  troublesome. 

Min.  The  mood  is  chang'd. 

/  Tri.  Not  speake  ? 

2  Tri.  Nor  looke  ? 

Lac.       I.   He  is  wise,  will  make  him  friends 
Of  such,  who  never  love,  but  for  their  ends. 

[Exeunt.] 

[SCENE  VI.  A  Space  before  the  Temple  of  Apollo. 
Enter]  Arruntius,  [and]  Lepidus,  divers  other  Sena- 
tors passing  by  them. 
Arruntius.  I,goe,  make  haste;  take  heed  you 

be  not  last 

To  tender  your  All  Haile,  in  the  wide  hall 
Of  huge  Sejanus  :  runne,  a  Lictors  pace  ; 
Stay  not  to  put  your  robes  on;  but,  away, 
With  the  pale  troubled  ensignes  of  great  friend- 
ship 5 

161-3  /  Tri.  Not  ifeakif  a  Tri.  N»r  loot*?  A,  W,  C,  G, 
Tri.   Not  tpeak  ?  Nor  look  ? 


£>efamt$  169 

Stamp't  i'your  face  !  Now,  Marcus  Lepidus, 
You  still  beleeve  your  former  augurie  ? 
Sejanus  must  goe  downe-ward  ?  you  perceive 
His  wane  approching  fast  ? 

Lepidus.  Beleeve  me,  Lucius, 

I  wonder  at  this  rising! 

Arr.  I,  and  that  we  10 

Must  give  our  suffrage  to  it  ?  you  will  say, 
It  is  to  make  his  fall  more  steepe,  and  grievous  ? 
It  may  be  so.   But  thinke  it,  they  that  can 
With  idle  wishes  'ssay  to  bring  backe  time : 
In  cases  desperate,  all  hope  is  crime.  15 

See,  see !  what  troups  of  his  officious  friends 
Flock  to  salute  my  lord !  and  start  before 
My  great,  proud  lord  !  to  get  a  lord-like  nod ! 
Attend  my  lord,  unto  the  Senate-house  ! 
Bring  back  my  lord  !  like  servile  huishers,  make  20 
Way  for  my  lord  !  proclaime  his  idoll  lord-ship, 
More  then  ten  cryers,  or  sixe  noise  of  trumpets! 
Make  legs,  kisse  hands,  and  take  a  scatter'd  haire 
From  my  lords  eminent  shoulder !   See,  Sanquin- 

ius  ! 

With  his  slow  belly,  and  his  dropsie !  looke,         25 
What  toyling  haste  he  makes  !  yet,  here's  an- 
other, 

Retarded  with  the  gout,  will  be  afore  him  ! 
Get  thee  liburnian  porters,  thou  grosse  foole, 

24  eminent,  Q,  excellent. 


170  £>rfanu0 

To  beare  thy  obsequious  fatnesse,  like  thy  peeres. 
They  are  met !  The  gout  returnes,  and  his  great 

carriage.  3° 

Lictors,    Consult,   Sejanus,   &c.  passe  over 

the  stage. 
Llctor.  Give  way,  make  place ;  roome  for  the 

Consul. 

Sanquinius.  Hailc, 

Hailc,  great  Sejanus. 

Haterius.  Haile,  my  honor*  d  lord. 

Arr.  We  shall  be  markt  anon,  for  our  not- 

haile. 

Lep.  That  is  already  done. 
Arr.  It  is  a  note 

Of  upstart  greatnesse,  to  observe,  and  watch        35 
For  these  poore  trifles,  which  the  noble  mind 
Neglects,  and  scornes. 

Lep.  I,  and  they  thinke  themselves 

Deepely  dishonor'd,  where  they  are  omitted, 
As  if  they  were  necessities,  that  helpt 
To  the  perfection  of  their  dignities :  40 

And  hate  the  men,  that  but  refraine  'hem. 

Arr.  O ! 

There  is  a  farder  cause  of  hate.  Their  brests 
Are  guiltie,  that  we  know  their  obscure  springs, 
And  base  beginnings  :  thence  the  anger  growes. 
On.  Follow.  [Exeunt.] 

44  On.    Follow.    W,  C,  G  make  this  a  separate  line. 


vm.]  &>fjtiuuS  1  7  1 


[SCENE  VII.   Another  Part  of  the  Same. 
Enter]   Macro,  [and]  Laco. 

Macro.  When  all  are  entred,  shut  the  temple 

doores  ; 
And  bring  your  guardes  up  to  the  gate. 

Laco.  I  will. 

Mac.  If  you  shall  heare  commotion  in  the 

Senate, 

Present  your  selfe  :  and  charge  on  any  man 
Shall  offer  to  come  forth. 

Lac.  I  am  instructed. 

[Exeunt,  ,] 

[SCENE  VIII.    The  Temple  of  'Apollo.'}    The  Senate. 

[Enter]  Haterius,  Trio,  Sanquinius,  Cotta,  Regulus, 
Sejanus,  Pomponius,  Latiaris,  Lepidus,  Arrun- 
tius,  [and  divers  other  Senators  -\  Pr&cones, 
[and]  Lie  tores. 

Haterius.  How  well  his  lordship  lookes  to 

day  ! 

Trio.  As  if 

He  had  beene  borne,  or  made  for  this  houres  state. 
Cotta.  Your  fellow  Consul's  come  about,  me 

thinkes  ? 

Tri.  I,  he  is  wise. 

Sanquinius.  Sejanus  trusts  him  well. 

Tri.  Sejanus  is  a  noble,  bounteous  lord. 


172  ferfanu* 

Hat.   He  is  so,  and  most  valiant. 

Latiarii.  And  most  wise. 

i  Sen.   Hee's  every  thing. 

Lot.  Worthy  of  all,  and  more 

Then  bountie  can  bestow. 

Tri.  This  dignitie 

Will  make  him  worthy. 

Pomponius.  Above  Caesar. 

San.  Tut, 

Caesar  is  but  the  rector  of  an  I'sle,  >o 

He  of  the  empire. 

Tri.  Now  he  will  have  power 

More  to  reward,  then  ever. 

Cot.  Let  us  looke 

We  be  not  slack  in  giving  him  our  voyces. 

Lot.  Not  I. 

San.  Nor  I. 

Cot.  The  readier  we  seeme 

To  propagate  his  honours,  will  more  bind  15 

His  thought,  to  ours. 

Hat.  I  thinke  right,  with  your  lordship. 

It  is  the  way  to  have  us  hold  our  places. 

San.   I,  and  get  more. 

Lot.  More  office,  and  more  titles. 

Pom.   I  will  not  lose  the  part,  I  hope  to  share 
In  these  his  fortunes,  for  my  patrimonie.  ao 

7   /   &n.   Q,  F,  Sen.   At  in  this  and  other  *ccnei  not  distin- 
guishing Senaton,  Senate,  or  a  special  Senator. 
16  thought.    F2,  etc.,  thought*. 


SCENE  Vm.]  £>tfan\l&  173 

Lot.  See,  how  Arruntius  sits,  and  Lepidus. 
Tri.  Let  'hem  alone,  they  will  be  markt  anon. 

1  Sen.  Fie  doe  with  others. 

2  Sen.  So  will  I. 

3  Sen.  And  I. 
Men  grow  not  in  the  state,  but  as  they  are  planted 
Warme  in  his  favours. 

Cot.  Noble  Sejanus !  25 

Hat.  Honor'd  Sejanus ! 

Lot.  Worthy,  and  great  Sejanus  ! 

Arruntius.  Gods !    how    the    spunges    open, 

and  take  in! 

And  shut  againe !  looke,  looke !  is  not  he  blest 
That  gets  a  seate  in  eye-reach  of  him  ?  more, 
That  comes  in  eare,  or  tongue-reach  ?  6,  but 

most,  3° 

Can  claw  his  subtle  elbow,  or  with  a  buzze 
Fly-blow  his  eares. 

Prtetor.  Proclaime  the  Senates  peace ; 

And  give  last  summons  by  the  edict. 

Praco.  Silence : 

In  name  of  Caesar,  and  the  Senate.  Silence. 

Memmius  Regulus,and  Fulcinius  Trio,  Consuls,  35 
these  present  kalends  of  June,  with  the  first  light, 
shall  hold  a  senate,  in  the  temple  of  Apollo  Palatine, 
all  that  are  Fathers,  and  are  registred  Fathers,  that 

2.3   So  "will  I.   C  assigns  to  San.  25  in.  A,  for. 

34  name.  Fz,  F3,  A,  the  name. 


174  £>e?anu* 

have  right  of  entring  the  Senate,  we  warne,  or  com- 
mand, you  be  frequently  present,  take  knowledge  the  40 
businesse  is  the  common-wealths,  whosoever  is  absent, 
his  fine,  or  mulct,  will  be  taken,  his  excuse  will  not 
be  taken. 

Tri.  Note,  who  are  absent,  and  record  their 
names. 

Regulus.  Fathers  Conscript.  May,  what  I  am 

to  utter,  45 

Turne  good,  and  happy,  for  the  common-wealth. 
And  thou  Apollo,  in  whose  holy  house 
We  here  are  met,  inspire  us  all,  with  truth, 
And  libertie  of  censure,  to  our  thought. 
The  majestic  of  great  Tiberius  Caesar  5° 

Propounds  to  this  grave  Senate,  the  bestowing 
Upon  the  man  he  loves,  honour'd  Sejanus, 
The  tribuniciall  dignitie,  and  power ; 
Here  are  his  letters,  signed  with  his  signet : 
What  pleaseth  now  the  Fathers  to  be  done  ?         55 

Senators.   Reade,  reade  'hem,  open,  publiquely, 
reade  'hem. 

Cot.  Caesar  hath  honour'd  his  owne  greatnesse 

much, 
In  thinking  of  this  act. 

Tri.  It  was  a  thought 

Happy,  and  worthy  Caesar. 

Lat.  And  the  lord, 

As  worthy  it,  on  whom  it  is  directed  !  60 

45,  46,  55.   These  conventional  formulae  arc  in  italici  in  F. 


175 

Hat.  Most  worthy ! 

San.  Rome  did  never  boast  the  vertue 

That  could  give  envie  bounds, but  his:  Sejanus  — 

/  Sen.  Honour'd,  and  noble  ! 

2  Sen.  Good,  and  great  Sejanus  ! 

Arr.  O,  most  tame  slaverie,  and  fierce  flat- 
terie  !  The  Epistle  is  read. 

Pra.  Silence. 

Tiberius  C<esar  to  the  Senate,  Greeting. 
If  you,  Conscript  Fathers,  with  your  children,  bee  in  65 
health,  it  is  aboundantly  well :  wee  with  our  friends 
here,  are  so.    The  care  of  the  common-wealth,  how- 
soever we  are  remoov'd  in  person,  cannot  be  absent 
to  our  thought;  although,  oftentimes,  even  to  princes 
most  present,  the  truth  of  their  owne  affaires  is  hid:   70 
then  which,  nothing  fals  out  more  miserable  to  a  state, 
or  makes  the  art  of  governing  more  difficult.   But 
since  it  hath  beene  our  ease-full  happinesse  to  enjoy 
both  the  aides,  and  Industrie  of  so  vigilant  a  Senate, 
wee  professe  to  have  beene  the  more  indulgent  to  our  75 
pleasures,  not  as  being  carelesse  of  our  office, but  rather 
secure  of  the  necessitie.   Neyther  doe  these  common 
rumors  of  many,  and  infamous  libels, published  against 
our  retirement,  at  all  afflict  us;  being  born  more  out 
of  mens  ignorance,  then  their  malice:  and  will,  neg-  80 
lected,  finde  their  owne  grave  quickly;  whereas  too 
sensibly  acknowledg'd,  it  would  make  their  obloquie 

63    Good,  and  great  Sejanus  !  C  assigns  to  San. 


176 

ours.  Nor  doe  we  desire  their  authors  (though  found) 
bee  censur'd,  since  in  a  free  state  (as  ours)  all  men 
ought  to  enjoy  both  their  mindes,  and  tongues  free.  85 

(drr.  The  lapwing,  the  lapwing.) 

Tet,  in  things,  which  shall  worthily,  and  more  neere 
concerne  the  majestie  of  a  prince,  we  shall  feare  to 
be  so  unnaturally  cruel/  to  our  owne  fame,  as  to  neg- 
lect them.  True  it  is,  Conscript  Fathers,  that  wet  90 
have  raysed  Sej anus,  from  obscure,  and  almost  un- 
knowne  gentrie, 

(Senate.   How  !  how  !) 

to  the  highest,  and  most  conspicuous  point  of  great- 
nesse,  and  (wee  hope)  deservingly;  yet,  not  without  95 
danger:  it  being  a  most  bold  hazard  in  that  sov'- 
raigne,  who,  by  his  particular  love  to  one,  dares  ad 
venture  the  hatred  of  all  his  other  subjects. 

(Arr.  This  touches,  the  bloud  turnes.) 

But  wee  affie  in  your  loves,  and  understandings,  and\<x> 
doe  no  way  suspect  the  merit  of  our  Sejanus  to  make 
our  favours  offensive  to  any. 

(Senate.  O  !  good,  good.) 

Though  we  could  have  wished  his  zeale  had  runne 
a  calmer  course  against  Agrippina,  and  our  Neph-  105 
ewes,  howsoever  the  opennesse  of  their  actions,  de- 
clared them  delinquents ;  and,  that  he  would  have 


SCENE  VIII.]  £>rfatTU0  177 

remembred,  no  innocence  is  so  safe,  but  it  rejoyceth  to 
stand  in  the  sight  of  mercie;  The  use  of  which  in  us, 
hee  hath  so  quite  taken  away,  toward  them,  by  his  no 
loyal!  furie,  as  now  our  clemencie  would  be  thought 
but  wearied  crueltie,  if  we  should  offer  to  exercise  it. 
(Arr.  I  thanke  him,  there  I  look'd  for't.  A 

good  fox  !  ) 

Some  there  bee,  that  would  interpret  this  his  pub- 
lique  severitie  to  bee  particular  ambition;  and  that,  115 
under  a  pretext  of  service  to  us,  hee  doth  but  remoove 
his  owne  lets :  alleadging  the  strengths  he  hath  made 
to  himself e,  by  the  Praetorian  souldiers,  by  his  faction 
in  Court,  and  Senate,  by  the  offices  hee  holdes  himself  e, 
and  conferres  on  others,  his  popularitie,  and  depend- 120 
ents,  his  urging  (and  almost  driving)  us  to  this  our 
unwilling  retirement,  and  lastly  his  aspiring  to  be 
our  sonne  in-law. 

(Senators.  This's  strange! 
Arr.  I  shall  anon  beleeve  your  vultures,  Mar- 
cus.) 125 

Your  wisedomes,  Conscript  Fathers,  are  able  to  exam- 
ine, and  censure  these  suggestions.  But,  were  they 
left  to  our  absolving  voyce,  we  durst  pronounce  them, 
as  we  thinke  them,  most  malicious. 

(Senators.  O,  he  has  restor'd  all,  list.)  130 

Yet,  are  they  offered  to  bee  averr'd,  and  on  the  lives 


1 78  £>rjami$  [ACTV. 

of  the  informers.  What  wee  should  say,  or  rather 
what  we  should  not  say,  Lords  of  the  Senate,  if  this 
bee  true,  our  gods,  and  goddesses  confound  us  if  we 
know!  Only,  we  must  thinke,  we  have  plac'd  our  135 
benefits  ill:  and  conclude,  that,  in  our  chaise,  either 
we  were  wanting  to  the  gods,  or  the  gods  to  us. 

The  Senators  shift  their  places. 
(Arr.  The  place  growes  hot,  they  shift.) 
We  have  not  beene  covetous,  Honourable  Fathers,  to 
change;  neither  is  it  now,  any  new  lust  that  altersno 
our  affection,  or  old  lathing:  but  those  needfull  jeal- 
ousies of  state,  that  warne  wiser  princes,  hourely,  to 
provide  their  safetie ;  and  doe  teach  them  how  learned 
a  thing  it  is  to  beware  of  the  humblest  enemy ;  much 
more  of  those  great  ones,  whom  their  owne  employ  '^145 
favours  have  made  Jit  for  their  fear es. 

(/  Sen.  Away. 
2  Sen.  Sit  farder. 

Cot.  Let's  remoove  — 

Arr.  Gods  !  how  the  leaves  drop  off,  this  little 
winde  !) 

We  therefore  desire,  that  the  offices  he  holds,  bee  first 
seized  by  the  Senate;  and  himself e  suspended  from  150 
all  exercise  of  place,  or  power  — 

(Senators.  How  ! 

141  affection.   A,  affections.      143  providt.    Fi-C,  provide  for. 
151  (Senator t.   None  of  the  editions  complete  the  parenthesis 
beginning  thus.   Sec  1   1 54,  temfett. 


SCENE  VIII.]  g>efatUl0  179 

San.  [thrusting  by] .   By  your  leave. 

Arr.  Come,  Porcpisce,  (wher's  Haterius  ? 
His  gout  keepes  him  most  miserably  constant.) 
Your  dancing  shewes  a  tempest.) 

Sejanus.  Reade  no  more. 

Reg.  Lords  of  the  Senate,  hold  your  seates  : 
reade  on.  155 

Sej.  These  letters,  they  are  forg'd. 

Reg.  A  guard,  sit  still. 

La  co  enters  with  the  guards. 

Arr.  There's  change. 

Reg.  Bid  silence,  and  reade  forward. 

Pra.  Silence  —  and  himself e  suspended  from  all 
exercise  of  place,  or  power,  but  till  due  and  mature 
try  all  be  made  of  his  innocency,  which  yet  we  cam6o 
faintly  apprehend  the  necessitie,  to  doubt.  If,  Con- 
script Fathers,  to  your  more  searching  wisedomes, 
there  shall  appear e  farther  cause  (or  of  f order  pro- 
ceeding, either  to  seizure  of  lands,  goods,  or  more — ) 
it  is  not  our  power  that  shall  limit  vour  author itie,  165 
or  our  favour,  that  must  corrupt  your  justice :  either 
were  dishonourable  in  you,  and  both  uncharitable  to 
our  selfe.    We  would  willingly  be  present  with  your 
counsailes  in  this  businesse,  but  the  danger  of  so  potent 
a  faction  (if  it  should  prove  so)  forbids  our  attempt- 170 
ing  it :  except  one  of  the  Consuls  would  be  intreated 

157   There i.  Q,  G,  Here's. 

170  attempting.  Q,  attempt. 


180  £>rfanu0  IACTV. 

for  our  safetie,  to  undertake  the  guard  of  us  home, 
then  wee  should  most  readily  adventure.  In  the  meant 
time,  it  shall  not  bee  fit  for  us  to  importune  so  judi- 
cious a  Senate,  who  know  how  much  they  hurt  theij$ 
innocent,  that  spare  the  guiltie :  and  how  grateful! 
a  sacrifice,  to  the  gods,  is  the  life  of  an  ingratefull 
person.  If^e  reflect  not,  in  this,  on  Sejanus  (notwith- 
standing, if  you  keepe  an  eye  upon  him  —  and  there 
is  Latiaris  a  Senator,  and  Pinnarius  Natta,  two  of  1 80 
his  most  trusted  ministers,  and  so  profest,  whom  we 
desire  not  to  have  apprended}  but  as  the  necessitie 
of  the  cause  exacts  it. 

Reg.  A  guard  on  Latiaris. 

Arr.  O,  the  spie  ! 

The  reverend  spie  is  caught,  who  pitties  him?    185 
Reward,  sir,  for  your  service  :  now,  you  ha'done 
Your  propertie,  you  see  what  use  is  made  ? 

\Exeunt  Latiaris  and  Natta  guarded."] 
Hang  up  the  instrument. 

Sfj.  Give  leave. 

Laco.  Stand,  stand, 

He  comes  upon  his  death,  that  doth  advance 
An  inch  toward  my  point. 

Sfj.  Have  we  no  friends  here?  190 

Arr.   Hush't.  Where  now  are  all  the  hailes, 
and  acclamations  ? 

182  appr'endtd.  F3,  etc.,  apprehended. 

190  fritndi.  Q,  friend. 

191  Wkirt  now.    Begin  new  line  in  W,  C,  G. 


181 

\_Enter~\  Macro,  [to  the]  Senate. 

Macro.  Haile,  to  the  Consuls,  and  this  noble 
Senate. 

Sej.  [aside} .   Is  Macro  here  ?   O,thou  art  lost, 
Sejanus. 

Mac.  Sit   still,    and    un-affrighted,    reverend 

Fathers. 

Macro,  by  Caesars  grace,  the  new-made  Provost,  195 
And  now  possest  of  the  praetorian  bands, 
An  honour  late  belong'd  to  that  proud  man, 
Bids  you,  be  safe :  and  to  your  constant  doome 
Of  his  deservings,  offers  you  the  surety 
Of  all  the  souldiers,  tribunes,  and  centurions,     100 
Receiv'd  in  our  command. 

Reg.  Sejanus,  Sejanus, 

Stand  forth,  Sejanus. 

Sej.  Am  I  call'd  ? 

Mac.  I,  thou, 

Thou  insolent  monster,  art  bid  stand. 

Sej.  Why,  Macro, 

It  hath  beene  otherwise,  betweene  you,  and  I  ? 
This  court,  that  knowes  us  both,  hath  scene  a 

difference,  105 

And  can  (if  it  be  pleas'd  to  speake)  confirme, 
Whose  insolence  is  most. 

Mac.  Come  downe  Typhoeus, 

If  mine  be  most,  loe,  thus  I  make  it  more ; 
Kicke  up  thy  heeles  in  ayre,  teare  off  thy  robe, 


1 82  £>efanua 

Play  with  thy  beard,  and  nostrills.  Thus  'tis  fit,  210 
(And  no  man  take  compassion  of  thy  state) 
To  use  th'ingratefull  viper,  tread  his  braines 
Into  the  earth. 

Reg.  Forbeare. 

Mac.  If  I  could  lose 

All  my  humanitie  now,  'twere  well  to  torture 
So  meriting  a  traytor.   Wherefore,  Fathers,         115 
Sit  you  amaz'd,  and  silent  ?  and  not  censure 
This  wretch,  who  in  the  houre  he  first  rebell'd 
'Gainst  Caesars  bountie,did  condemne  himselfe  ? 
P'hlegra,  the  field,  where  all  the  sonnes  of  earth 
Muster'd  against  the  gods,  did  ne're  acknowledge  no 
So  proud,  and  huge  a  monster. 

Reg.  Take  him  hence. 

And  all  the  gods  guard  Caesar. 

Tri.  Take  him  hence. 

Hat.  Hence. 

Cot.  To  the  dungeon  with  him. 

San.  He  deserves  it. 

Sen.  Crowne  all  our  doores  with  bayes. 

San.  And  let  an  oxe 

With  gilded  homes,  and  garlands,  straight  be  led  115 
Unto  the  capitoll. 

Hat.  And  sacrific'd 

To  Jove,  for  Caesars  safety. 

Tri.  All  our  gods 

Be  present  still  to  Caesar. 


183 

Cot.  Phoebus. 

San.  Mars. 

Hat.   Diana. 

San.  Pallas. 

Sen.  Juno,  Mercuric, 

All  guard  him. 

Mac.  Forth,  thou  prodigie  of  men.       230 

[Exit  Sejanus  guarded.] 

Cot.  Let  all  the  traytors  titles  be  defac'd. 

Trt.   His  images,  and  statues  be  pull'd  downe. 

Hat.   His  chariot-wheeles  be  broken. 

Arr.  And  the  legs 

Of  the  poore  horses,  that  deserved  naught, 
Let  them  be  broken  too. 

Lep.  O,  violent  change,       235 

And  whirle  of  mens  affections  ! 

Arr.  Like,  as  both 

Their  bulkes  and  soules  were  bound  on  fortunes 

wheele, 
And  must  act  onely  with  her  motion ! 

[Exeunt  all  buf\  Lepidus,  Arruntius,  [and 
a  few  Senators.] 

Lep.  Who  would  depend  upon  the  popular 

ayre, 

Or  voyce  of  men,  that  have  to  day  beheld          ^40 
(That  which  if  all  the  gods  had  fore-declar'd, 
Would  not  have  beene  beleev'd)  Sejanus  fall  ? 
He,  that  this  morne  rose  proudly,  as  the  sunne  ? 


1 84  £>rfanu* 

And,  breaking  through  a  mist  of  clients  breath, 
Came  on  as  gaz'd  at,  and  admir'd,  as  he  245 

When  superstitious  Moores  salute  his  light ! 
That  had  our  servile  nobles  waiting  him 
As  common  groomes ;  and  hanging  on  his  looke, 
No  lesse  then  humane  life  on  destinie  ! 
That  had  mens  knees  as  frequent,  as  the  gods ;  150 
And  sacrifices,  more,  then  Rome  had  altars  : 
And  this  man  fall !  fall  ?   I,  without  a  looke, 
That  durst  appeare  his  friend ;  or  lend  so  much 
Of  vaine  reliefe,  to  his  chang'd  state,  as  pitty  ! 
Arr.  They,  that  before  like  gnats  plaid  in  his 

beames,  155 

And  throng'd   to  circumscribe  him,  now  not 

scene  ! 

Nor  deigne  to  hold  a  common  seate  with  him ! 
Others,  that  wayted  him  unto  the  Senate, 
Now,  inhumanely  ravish  him  to  prison  ! 
Whom  (but  this  morne)  they  follow'd  as  their 

lord,  »6o 

Guard  through  the  streets,  bound  like  a  fugitive  ! 
In  stead  of  wreaths,  give  fetters ;  strokes,  for 

stoops : 
Blind  shame,  for  honours ;  and  black  taunts,  for 

titles ! 
Who  would  trust  slippery  chance  ? 

Ltp.  They,  that  would  make 

263   ikamt.    A,  W,  C,  G,  »hamcs.         264  make.    FH,  ma. 


SCENE  vni.1  £efanu0  185 

Themselves  her  spoile :  and  foolishly  forget,       265 
When  shee  doth  flatter,  that  shee  comes  to  prey. 
Fortune,  thou  hadst  no  deitie,  if  men 
Had  wisedome :  we  have  placed  thee  so  high, 
By  fond  beliefe  in  thy  felicitie. 

Senators.  The  gods  guard  Caesar.  All  the  gods 

guard  Caesar.  Shout  within.  270 

\Re-enter\   Macro,  Regulus,  \_and]  Senators. 
Mac.  Now  great  Sejanus,  you  that  aw'd  the 

state, 

And  sought  to  bring  the  nobles  to  your  whip, 
That  would  be  Caesars  tutor,  and  dispose 
Of  dignities,  and  offices  !  that  had 
The  publique  head  still  bare  to  your  designes,    275 
And  made  the  generall  voyce  to  eccho  yours  ! 
That  look'd  for  salutations,  twelve  score  off, 
And  would  have  pyramid's,  yea,  temples  rear'd 
To  your  huge  greatnesse  !  now,  you  lie  as  flat, 
As  was  your  pride  advanc'd. 

Reg.  Thanks,  to  the  gods.  280 

Senators.  And  praise  to  Macro,  that  hath  saved 

Rome. 

Liberty,  liberty,  liberty.  Lead  on, 
And  praise  to  Macro,  fhat  hath  saved  Rome. 

\Exeunt  all  bui\  Arruntius,  \and~\  Lepidus, 

\_enter\    Terentius. 

Arr.   I  prophesie,  out  of  this  Senates  flatterie, 
That  this  new  fellow,  Macro,  will  become         285 

284  this.  W,  C,  G,  the. 


i86 

A  greater  prodigie  in  Rome,  then  he 
That  now  is  falne. 

Terentius.  O  you,  whose  minds  are  good, 

And   have  not  forc'd  all  mankind,  from   your 

brests ; 

That  yet  have  so  much  stock  of  vertue  left, 
To  pitty  guiltie  states,  when  they  are  wretched  :  190 
Lend  your  soft  eares  to  heare,  and  eyes  to  weepe 
Deeds  done  by  men,  beyond  the  acts  of  furies. 
The  eager  multitude,  (who  never  yet 
Knew  why  to  love,  or  hate,  but  onely  pleas'd 
T'expresse  their  rage  of  power)  no  sooner  heard  195 
The  murmure  of  Sejanus  in  decline, 
But  with  that  speed,  and  heate  of  appetite, 
With  which  they  greedily  devoure  the  way 
To  some  great  sports,  or  a  new  theatre ; 
They  fill'd  the  capitoll,  and  Pompei's  circke,      300 
Where,  like  so  many  mastives,  biting  stones, 
As  if  his  statues  now  were  sensitive 
Of  their  wild  furie  ;  first,  they  teare  them  downe : 
Then  fastning  ropes,  drag  them  along  the  streets, 
Crying  in  scorne,  this,  this  was  that  rich  head    305 
Was  crown'd  with  garlands,  and  with  odours, 

this  M 

That  was  in  Rome  so  reverenced.   Now 
The  fornace,  and  the  bellowes  shall  too  worke 
The  great  Sejanus  crack,  and  piece,  by  piece, 

308  wortt.   F3,  etc.,  comma  after  thb. 


£>efanu0  187 

Drop  i'the  founders  pit. 

Lep.  O,  popular  rage !          310 

Ter.  The  whilst,  the  Senate,  at  the  temple  of 

Concord, 

Make  haste  to  meet  againe,  and  thronging  cry, 
Let   us   condemne   him,  tread   him   downe   in 

water, 

While  he  doth  lie  upon  the  banke;  away : 
Where  some,  more  tardie,  cry  unto  their  bearers,  315 
He  will  be  censur'd  ere  we  come,  runne  knaves, 
And  use  that  furious  diligence,  for  feare 
Their  bond-men  should  informe  against  their 

slacknesse, 

And  bring  their  quaking  flesh  unto  the  hooke : 
The  rout,  they  follow  with  confused  voyce,        320 
Crying,  they'are  glad,  say  they  could  ne're  abide 

him; 

Enquire,  what  man  he  was  ?  what  kind  of  face  ? 
What   beard   he   had  ?  what   nose  ?  what   lips  ? 

protest, 

They  ever  did  presage  h'would  come  to  this : 
They  never  thought  him  wise,  nor  valiant :  Askesis 
After  his  garments,  when  he  dies  ?  what  death  ? 
And  not  a  beast  of  all  the  herd  demands, 
What  was  his  crime  ?  or,  who  were  his  accusers  ? 
Under  what  [p]  roofe,  or  testimonie,  he  fell  ? 

315    Where.  W,  C,  G,  While. 

319  proofe.   Q,  F,  roofe,  with  no  evidence  that  a  />  has  dropped 
out. 


There  came  (sayes  one)  a  huge,  long,  worded 

letter  330 

From  Capreae  against  him.   Did  there  so  ? 
O,  they  are  satisfied,  no  more. 

Lep.  Alas ! 

They  follow  fortune,  and  hate  men  condemn'd, 
Guiltie,  or  not. 

Arr.  But,  had  Sejanus  thriv'd 

In  his  designe,  and  prosperously  opprest  335 

The  old  Tiberius,  then,  in  that  same  minute 
These  very  raskals,  that  now  rage  like  furies, 
Would  have  proclaim'd  Sejanus  emperour. 

Lep.   But  what  hath  follow'd  ? 

Ter.  Sentence,  by  the  Senate  ; 

To  lose  his  head :  which  was  no  sooner  off,        340 
But  that,  and  th'unfortunate  trunke  were  seiz'd 
By  the  rude  multitude ;  who  not  content 
With  what  the  forward  justice  of  the  state, 
Officiously  had  done,  with  violent  rage 
Have  rent  it  limbe,  from  limbe.    A  thousand 

heads,  345 

A  thousand  hands,  ten  thousand  tongues,  and 

voyces, 

Employ'd  at  once  in  severall  acts  of  malice ! 
Old  men  not  staid  with  age,  virgins  with  shame, 
Late  wives  with  losse  of  husbands,  mothers  of 
children, 

348  itaid.   C,  tUy'd. 


SCEN*  vm.]  £>efanu0  189 

Losing  all  griefe  in  joy  of  his  sad  fall,  350 

Runne  quite  transported  with  their  crueltie  ! 
These  mounting  at  his  head,  these  at  his  face, 
These  digging  out  his  eyes,  those  with  his  braine, 
Sprinkling  themselves,  their  houses,  and  their 

friends ; 

Others  are  met,  have  ravish'd  thence  an  arme,   355 
And  deale  small  pieces  of  the  flesh  for  favours  ; 
These  with  a  thigh;  this  hath  cut  off  his  hands; 
And  this  his  feet ;  these  fingers,  and  these  toes ; 
That  hath  his  liver ;  he  his  heart :  there  wants 
Nothing  but  roome  for  wrath,  and   place  for 

hatred !  360 

What  cannot  oft  be  done,  is  now  ore-done. 
The  whole,  and  all  of  what  was  great  Sejanus, 
And  next  to  Caesar  did  possesse  the  world, 
Now  torne,  and  scatter'd,  as  he  needs  no  grave, 
Each  little  dust  covers  a  little  part :  365 

So  lyes  he  no  where,  and  yet  often  buryed  ! 
Arruntius,  Nuntius,  Lepidus,  Terentius. 

Arr.  More  of  Sejanus  ? 

Nuntius.  Yes. 

Lep.  What  can  be  added  ? 

We  know  him  dead. 

Nun.  Then,  there  begin  your  pitty. 

There  is  inough  behind,  to  melt  ev'n  Rome, 

351  mounting.   W,  C,  Minting. 
353   braine.   Fz,  etc.,  brains. 


190  §>efanu$ 

And  Caesar  into  teares :  (since  never  slave          370 
Could  yet  so  highly  offend,  but  tyrannic, 
In  torturing  him,  would  make  him  worth  lament- 
ing-) 

A  sonne,  and  daughter,  to  the  dead  Sejanus, 
(Of  whom  there  is  not  now  so  much  remayning 
As  would  give  fastning  to  the  hang-mans  hooke)375 
Have  they  drawne  forth  for  farder  sacrifice ; 
Whose  tendernesse  of  knowledge,  unripe  yeares, 
And  childish  silly  innocence  was  such, 
As   scarse   would    lend   them    feeling    of   their 

danger : 

The  girle  so  simple,  as  shee  often  askt,  380 

Where  they  would  lead  her  ?  for  what  cause  they 

drag'd  her  ? 
Cry'd,  shee  would  doe  no  more.  That  shee  could 

take 

Warning  with  beating.  And  because  our  lawes 
Admit  no  virgin  immature  to  die, 
The  wittily,  and  strangely-cruell  Macro,  385 

Deliver'd  her  to  be  deflowr'd,  and  spoil'd, 
By  the  rude  lust  of  the  licentious  hang-man, 
Then,  to  be  strangled  with  her  harmelesse  brother. 
Ltp.   O,  act,  most  worthy   hell,  and  lasting 

night, 
To  hide  it  from  the  world  ! 

Nun.  Their  bodies  throwne39o 

370   tinet.    Q,  though. 


SCENE  Yin.]  £>efanu0 

Into  the  Gemonies,  (I  know  not  how, 
Or  by  what  accident  return'd)  the  mother, 
Th'expulsed  Apicata,  finds  them  there; 
Whom  when  shee  saw  lie  spred  on  the  degrees, 
After  a  world  of  furie  on  her  selfe,  395 

Tearing  her  haire,  defacing  of  her  face, 
Beating  her  brests,  and  wombe,  kneeling  amaz'd, 
Crying  to  heaven,  then  to  them ;  at  last, 
Her  drowned  voyce  gate  up  above  her  woes : 
And  with  such  black,  and  bitter  execrations,      400 
(As  might  affright  the  gods,  and  force  the  sunne 
Runne  back-ward  to  the  east,  nay,  make  the  old 
Deformed  Chaos  rise  againe,  t'ore-whelme 
Them,  us,  and  all  the  world)  shee  fills  the  aire ; 
Upbraids  the  heavens  with  their  partiall  doomes,405 
Defies  their  tyrannous  powers,  and  demands, 
What  shee,   and    those    poore    innocents   have 

transgress'd, 

That  they  must  suffer  such  a  share  in  vengeance, 
Whilst  Livia,  Lygdus,  and  Eudemus  live, 
Who,  (as  shee  say's,  and  firmely  vowes,to  prove  it  410 
To  Caesar,  and  the  Senate)  poyson'd  Drusus  ? 

Lep.  Confederates  with  her  husband  ? 

Nun.  I. 

Lep.  Strange  act ! 

Arr.  And  strangely  open'd  :  what  say's  now 

my  monster, 
The  multitude  ?  they  reele  now  ?  doe  they  not  ? 


[ACTV. 

Nun.  Their  gall  is  gone,  and  now  they  'gin 

to  weepe  415 

The  mischiefe  they  have  done. 

Arr.  I  thanke  'hem,  rogues  ! 

Nun.  Part  are  so  stupide,  or  so  flexible, 
As  they  beleeve  him  innocent ;  all  grieve : 
And  some,  whose  hands  yet  reeke  with  his  warme 

bloud, 

And  gripe  the  part  which  they  did  teare  of  him, 420 
Wish  him  collected,  and  created  new. 

Lep.   How  fortune  plies  her  sports,  when  shee 

begins 

To  practise  'hem  !  pursues,  continues,  addes  ! 
Confounds,    with     varying     her    empassion'd 

moodes ! 
Arr.  Do'st  thou  hope  fortune  to  redeeme  thy 

crimes  ?  4»5 

To  make  amends,  for  thy  ill  placed  favours, 
With  these  strange  punishments  ?  Forbeare,  you 

things, 

That  stand  upon  the  pinnacles  of  state, 
To  boast  your  slippery  height ;  when  you  doe 

fall, 

You  pash  your  selves  in  pieces,  nere  to  rise,       430 
And  he  that  lends  you  pitty,  is  not  wise. 

Ter.  Let  this  example  moove  th'insolent  man, 
Not  to  grow  proud,  and  carelesse  of  the  gods : 

430  path.    Fz-C,  dash. 


£>efanua  193 

It  is  an  odious  wisedome,  to  blaspheme, 
Much  more  to  slighten,  or  denie  their  powers.    435 
For  whom  the  morning  saw  so  great,  and  high, 
Thus  low,  and  little,  'fore  the'even  doth  lie. 

[Exeunt, .] 


THE   END 


This  Tragoedie  was  first 

acted,  in  the  yeere 

1603. 

By  the  Kings  Majesties 
SERVANTS. 


The     principall    Tragoedians    were, 

RlC.  BURBADGE.  ^  fWlLL.  SHAKE-SPEARE. 

AUG.  PHILIPS.       I         1  IOH.  HEMINGS. 
WILL.  SLY.  |  HEN.  CONDEL. 

IOH.  LOWIN.       )        I^ALEX.  CCXJKE 

With  the  allowance  of  the  Master  of  REVELLS. 


to 

IN  these  notes  I  have  attempted  to  deal  somewhat  fully  with  the 
relation  of  Jonson  to  his  sources.  Much  doubtless  remains  to  be  done, 
but  what  is  here  brought  together,  as  supplementary  to  his  own  re- 
ferences, will  be  sufficient  for  an  understanding  of  his  methods.  I 
have  preferred  to  err  on  the  side  of  inclusiveness,  and  perhaps  the 
reader  will  feel  that  in  more  than  one  case  it  is  worth  a  question 
whether  Jonson  had  in  mind  the  passage  cited. 

Jonson's  own  notes,  omitted  in  F,  are  printed  from  Q,  in  which 
a  system  of  letter  reference  is  employed,  here  changed  to  a  line  sys- 
tem. In  some  instances  Q  does  not  make  use  of  a  letter,  but  merely 
places  the  reference  opposite  a  line  or  lines  ;  sometimes  the  source  is 
vague  or  general  in  language,  and  sometimes  Jonson  threw  refer- 
ences for  a  fairly  long  passage  into  a  single  note,  while  occasional 
references  are  unnecessarily  repeated.  Satisfactory  correspondence  of 
notes  to  text  was  thus  difficult  to  secure. 

To  distinguish  his  notes  from  the  editor's,  they  are  placed  in 
italics.  It  did  not  seem  necessary  to  expand  his  abbreviations  more 
than  occasionally,  but  I  add  in  brackets  the  chapter  numbers  where 
omitted.  I  have  tried  to  avoid  repeating  information  supplied  in  his 
notes,  but  without  entire  success.  The  principal  editions  used  were 
those  at  hand :  e.  g.,  Claudian  by  Jeep,  Seneca's  tragedies  by  Leo, 
Juvenal  by  Friedlaender,  Teubner  texts  of  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  and 
Seneca's  prose,  Foster's  translation  of  Dio  Cassius,  etc. 

Special  philological  works  of  Jonson's  own  day  have  not  been 
easily  accessible,  nor  did  it  seem  of  the  highest  importance  that  his 
references  to  them  should  be  examined  ;  every  reasonable  demand  is 
satisfied  when  necessary  information  is  supplied  from  modern  books. 
Most  of  his  abbreviations  of  such  titles,  however,  have  been  on  first 
occurrence  expanded  sufficiently  to  enable  his  notes  to  be  utilized 
without  difficulty  by  any  one  curious  in  the  matter.  In  one  case 
(Rhodig.,  133,  51)  I  have  not  been  able  to  identify  the  work  satis- 
factorily. 

The  Motto.  Cunningham  had  a  theory  (see  pp.  485  rf~.,  vol. 


196 

in,  of  his  1875  ed.  of  Joiuon)  that  the  editors  of  Fa  "had  a  copy  of 
thi»  particular  play  with  a  few  corrections  by  the  author."  In  sup- 
port of  this  he  alleges  that  "the  motto  began  with  Nam  An,  and 
was  altered  to  Nan  hie  in  the  folio  of  1640."  But  the  motto  begins 
Non  hie  in  the  copy  of  Q  and  the  three  copies  of  F  seen.  The  other 
bits  of  evidence  that  he  otfer*  are  similarly  to  be  disposed  of;  they  will 
be  noticed  in  the  appropriate  places.  Either  Cunningham  was  very 
careless,  or,  what  seems  in  some  instances  likely,  he  had  a  copy  of 
F  containing  a  number  of  still  different  readings. 

Jonson  translates  this  passage  of  Martial  in  the  Prologue  to  Every 
Man  in  his  Humour. 

3.  Esme  L.  Aubigny.    "  Esme,  lord  Aubigny,  wasyounger 
brother  of  Lodovick  Stuart,  second  duke  of  Lenox,  and  first  and  last 
duke  of  Richmond  of  his  creation.    He  died  in  1624,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded in  the  dukedom  of  Lenox  by  this  same  Esme,  who  had  been 
created  earl  of  March  in  1619,  and  was  grandfather  of  the  duke  of 
Richmond  who  figures  in  the  memoirs  of  De  Grammont,  and  who 
married  la  belli  Stuart.    Esme,  lord  Aubigny,  was  perhaps  the  best 
friend  Jonson  ever  possessed,  and  gave  him  the  shelter  of  his  roof 
during  five  years.       .   .    He  died  3<3th  July,   1624.    It  was  in  his 
house  that  Jonson  wrote  the  translation  of  the  Art  Pottica,  and  the 
commentary.  .   .   ."Cunningham.   See  Epigram  cxxvn,and  For- 
esi,  No.  xiu. 

4,  6.   First,  if  it  be  objected.  Compare  the  following  from 
Webster's  preface  to  Tht  fPAitt  Dtvi/t  1 6 II :  "If  it  be  objected 
this  is  no   true  dramatic  poem,  I  shall  easily  confess  it ;  non  pctci 
in  nugat  dictrt  flura  meat  tfse  ego  quam  dixi.    Willingly,  and  not 
ignorantly,  in  this  kind  have  I  faulted  :  for,  should  a  man  present 
to  such  an  auditory  the  most  sententious  tragedy  that  ever  was  writ- 
ten, observing  all  the  critical  laws,  as  height  of  style,  and  gravity  of 
person,  enrich  it  with  the  sententious  Chorus,  and,  as  it  were,  liven 
death  in  the  passionate  and  weighty  Nuntius  ;  yet,   after  all  this 
divine  rapture,  0  Jura  messorum  ilia,  the  breath  that  comes  from 
the  uncapable  multitude  is  able  to  poison  it ;  and,  ere  it  be  acted,  let 
the  author  resolve  to  fix  to  every  scene  this  of  Horace, 

Haec  porcis  hodie  comedenda  relinques." 

Incidentally,  the  dedication  to  the  Duckets  of  Malfi  is  like  that  to 
Catiline,  and  the  preface  to  The  DeviTi  Laiv  Gate  might  hare 


197 

been  written  by  Jonson  himself.   Cf.  Spingarn's  notes  on  Webster's 
preface  to  The  White  Devil,  Seventeenth   Century  Critical  Essays, 

i>  *35  ff- 

4,  19.  truth  of  Argument.  Cf.  Chapman's  dedication  to 
the  Revenge  of  Bussy :  "  And  for  the  authentical  truth  of  either 
person  or  action,  who  (worth  the  respecting)  will  expect  it  in  a 
poem,  whose  subject  is  not  truth,  but  things  like  truth  ?  Poor  envi- 
ous souls  they  are  that  cavil  at  truth's  want  in  these  natural  fictions; 
material  instruction,  elegant  and  sententious  excitation  to  virtue,  and 
deflection  from  her  contrary,  being  the  soul,  limbs,  and  limit  of  an 
authentical  tragedy."  (See  Introduction,  p.  xli)  Jonson  provides 
his  notes  as  a  defence  against  these  "  poor  envious  souls,"  but,  un- 
like Chapman,  admits  the  duty  of  adhering  as  far  as  possible  to  his- 
torical fact. 

4,  27  ff.  least,  in  some  nice  nostrill.   Marston's  pre- 
face, To  the  General  Reader,  to  Sophonisba,  printed  1606,  though 
perhaps  written  before  Sejanus,  seems  clearly  an  attack  upon  Jonson, 
though  Giffbrd  doubts  the  connection.    "  Know,  that  I  have  not 
laboured  in  this  Poeme,  to  tye  my  selfe  to  relate  any  thing  as  an 
historian,  but  to  inlarge  every  thing  as  a  poet.    To  transcribe  au- 
thors, quote  authorities,  and  translate  Latine  prose  Orations  into 
English  blank  verse,  hath,  in  this  subject,  been  the  least  ayme  of 
my  studies." 

5,  50.   SO  happy  a  Genius.    Shakspere,   Fletcher,  Beau- 
mont, Chapman,  Middleton,  as  well  as  a  certain  Samuel  Sheppard, 
have  been  thought  of  in  this  connection,  but  absolutely  nothing  is 
known  about  Jonson's  coadjutor  or  about  his  share  in  the  play. 

Jonson  was  brought  by  the  Earl  of  Northampton,  "  his  mortal 
enemy,"  as  he  told  Drummond,  "  before  the  Council  for  his  Seja- 
nus, and  accused  of  Popery  and  treason."  Nothing  in  the  play  as 
we  have  it  seems  to  furnish  grounds  for  such  accusations,  ex- 
cept perhaps  to  this  extent:  Jonson  was  a  Roman  Catholic  from 
about  1598  to  about  1610,  and  the  conspiracy  of  Sejanus  might  be 
thought  to  recall  too  vividly  the  conspiracy  of  Essex.  But  it  is  not 
improbable  that  in  this  case,  as  in  the  case  of  Eastward  Hoe,  the 
grounds  were  found  in  that  part  of  the  play  with  which  Jonson  was 
not  directly  concerned.  What  he  means,  then,  may  be  this  :  I  am 
compelled  to  excise  your  portion  of  the  play  (and  of  course  to  fill  up 


198 

the  gaps),  otherwise  1  lose  my  can.  In  any  case,  there  seems  no 
reason  for  assuming,  as  some  have  done,  that  Jonson  is  here  elabo- 
rately ironical. 

5,  54.  Neque  enim  mihi  cornea  fibra  est.  The 
quotation  is  from  Persius,  Sat.  i,  47.  The  quotation  below,  from 
Horace,  Efnt.  n,  i,  181. 

7,  21-4.  Nor  is  .  .  .  Rare.  The  sense  is:  I  am  not  carry- 
ing the  comparison  too  far,  except  that  the  worth  of  jewels  is  ex- 
trinsic ("in  estimation  meerely  "),  whereas  that  of  your  work  is 
intrinsic.  Cf.  The  Distracted  Emperor,  i  : 

For  Butye's  like  a  stone  of  unknowne  worthe, 
The  estimatyon  makes  it  pretyous. 

7,  25  ft.  Wherein  Minerva  had  beene  vanquished. 
The  allusion  is  to  the  contest  in  weaving  between  Arachne  and 
Minerva,  wherein  the  former  was  beaten,  and  as  a  punishment  for 
daring  to  contend  with  the  goddess,  was  turned  into  a  spider,  see 
Ovid,  Metamorphoses,  vi,  1-145.   The  "graphic  thread"  alludes 
to  the  interwoven  pictures  in  Minerva's  web.   Arachne  is  again  re- 
ferred to,  below,  1.  136. 

8,  50.  the  sable  Orgies  of  the  Muses  ;  that  is,  tragic 
writing. 

8,  53  ff.   But  .  .   .   Retiring.  The  sense  is:  The  first  sign 
of  love  consists  neither  in  the  pleasure  taken  in  the  sight  of  the  object, 
nor  in  the  bold  pursuit  of  it,  but  in  retirement. 

9,  6 1.    saith    Aeschilus.     The  reference  is  apparently  to 
Clytemnestra's  speech  to  Orestes,    Choephori,   906    (Swan wick's 
translation):    "  For  wives  'tis  grievous  to  live  spouseless,  child." 

9,  8 1  ff.   Though  .   .   .  fits.  The  sense  is  :  Though  others, 
qualified  with  natural!  skill,  blanch  coals,  i.  e.,  call  black  white,  do 
thou  speak  truth. 

10,  86.  the  good  Spartane  King.   See  Plutarch's  Life 
of  Age silaut,  where  the  latter  compares  himself  in  this  way  to  the 
"  Great  King." 

10,  89.  the  great  Stagerite.  I  do  not  know  where 
Aristotle  (born  at  Stagira,  384  B.  c.,  and  hence  called  the  Stagir- 
ite)  says  precisely  this,  but  several  times  he  says  what  is  practically 
equivalent  to  it,  e.  g. ,  Nicomachtan  Ethics,  x,  viii,  1 8.  In  the 
Rhetoric,  too,  11,  13,  he  mentions  "  Iphicrates'  argument  that  the 
most  virtuous  person  is  the  noblest."  (Welldon's  translation.) 


199 

IO,  97  ff.  Such  .  .  .  soules  :  i.  e.,  your  play  is  so  vivid 
in  style  that  your  hearers  at  once  become  your  spectators,  and  the 
lively  sense  of  good  and  ill  that  the  spectators  have,  is  felt  also  by 
your  readers.  Chapman  is  evidently  making  a  careful  distinction 
between  hearers,  spectators,  and  readers.  Does  he  mean  to  suggest 
that  Jonson  read  the  play  aloud  to  his  friends,  or  is  he  merely  mak- 
ing an  academic  reference  to  the  Roman  custom  of  public  readings  ? 

IO,  103-4.  Thespian  Boules  are  bowls  of  the  Muses, 
who  had  a  temple  near  Thespiae,  whence  the  adjective  was  occa- 
sionally applied  to  them.  The  particular  bowl  referred  to  is  the 
phiale,  a  bowl  or  cup  used  chiefly  for  pouring  libations  and  rarely 
possessing  handles  (Birch's  Ancient  Pottery,  383).  In  both  this  and 
the  next  line  (Palladian  cask  =  helmet  of  Pallas)  Chapman  means 
that  Jonson's  poetry  combines  pleasure  and  profit  in  the  perusal. 

10,  105  ff.  thyselfe  must  Patronise.  Apparently  the 
meaning  is  :  You  must  be  your  own  patron,  and  your  reward  must 
be  to  drink  more  of  the  Castilian  spring,  in  searching  out  whose 
mysteries  we  poets  have  to  weight  our  nets  (the  figure  is  suggested 
by  the  word  "  expiscation  ")  with  lead,  since  poets  possess  no  gold. 

10,  no.   Pierian  Streames.  The  Pierides  were  the  Muses, 
hence  "  Pierian  streams,"  streams  sacred  to  the  Muses  :  e.  g. ,  the 
"  Castalian  head,"  above,  supposed  to  be  a  spring  on  Mt.  Parnassus. 

11,  113.  the  great  Cyrrhan  Poet:  Apollo;  the  whole 
line  is  a  translation  of  Juvenal,  xin,  79  :  "  Cirrhaei  spicula  vatis." 

II,  117.  as  Sathan  was.  As  we  see  from  Victorinus, 
Commentary  on  Revelations,  xx,  1-3  (Translation  of  Ante-Nicene 
Fathers,  1905,  vu,  358)  and  from  St.  Prosper  (Maxima  Bibl. 
Patrum,  1677,  vin,  fol.  45,  "  De  diabolo  ligato  et  misso  in  abys- 
sum  "),  John  in  that  passage  was  sometimes  held  to  refer  to  a  bind- 
ing of  Satan  for  a  thousand  years  in  direct  connection  with  the 
coming  of  Christ.  This  interpretation  is  apparently  the  past  binding 
that  Chapman  had  in, mind.  The  accepted  interpretation,  of  course, 
is  that  of  a  future  binding,  in  connection  with  the  end  of  the  world. 
See  A  Yorkshire  Tragedy,  sc.  x  : 

Now  glides  the  devil  from  me, 


Bind  him  one  thousand  more,  you  blessed  angels, 
In  that  pit  bottomless  ! 


200 

II,  119.  warme  but :  am  but  warmed. 

11,  127.   Earthy  parts.    The  old  theory  was  that  the  uni- 
verse was  composed  of  four  elements,  earth,  air,  fire,  and  water, 
which  entered  in  various  proportions  into  the  composition  of  all 
bodies.   Chapman  means  that  the  earthy  emanations  of  a  flower  held 
close  render  its  odor  impure  ;  if  the  flower   be  held  further  away, 
these  emanations  fail.    For  "  improve,"  see  Glotutry. 

12,  135.   Our  Phoebus.  The  poets  of  the  day   frequently 
compared  James  I  to  Phoebus.  Jonson  himself  does  it  in  the  dedi- 
cation to  Cynthia 't  Re-velt. 

12,  140  ff.  His  Chancelor  .  .  .  Suffolke.  The  persons 
referred  to  are  the  following  : 

Chancellor,  Sir  Thomas  Egerton,  1540?-!  6 1 7.  See  Jonson'g 
Epigrams  No.  74,  and  Undenvoodt,  50,  51. 

Treasurer,  Thomas  Sackville,  1536-1608,  1st  Earl  of  Dorset 
and  Baron  Buckhurst,  pan  author  of  The  Mirror  for  Magistrate!, 
and  Gorboduc. 

Northumberland,  Henry  Percy,  1564-1632,  9th  earl 

Worcester,  Edward  Somerset,  1553-1628,  4th  earl. 

Northampton,  Henry  Howard,  Earl  of  Northampton,  1540— 
1614. 

Devonshire,  Charles  Blount,  1563-1606,  created  earl  July  1 1, 
1604. 

Salisbury,  Robert  Cecil,  1 563?-!  612,  son  of  Lord  Burghley, 
and  secretary  of  state  ;  see  Jonson 's  Efigrami,  Nos.  49,  63,  64. 

Suffolk,  Thomas  Howard,  1561-1626,  1st  earl.  He  did  "fall 
by  Fortune ' '  when  in  1 6 1 8  he  was  accused  of  corruption  and  sen- 
tenced to  a  heavy  fine. 

12,  153  ff.  our  Hearde,  came  not  to  drinke,  but 
trouble  The  Muses  waters.  An  obscure  passage.  It  is  suf- 
ficiently evident  that  Suffolk  on  some  occasion  intervened  to  the 
assistance  of,  presumably,  Chapman  and  Jonson.  But  on  what  oc- 
casion-?  Chapman,  Jonson,  and  Marston  got  into  trouble  in  1604 
for  writing  Eatnoard  Hot.  Jonspn,  just  when  we  do  not  know,  was 
brought  by  Northampton  "  before  the  Council  for  his  Sejanui,  and 
accused  of  Popery  and  treason."  Chapman  and  Jonson  were  again 
in  difficulties  in  1605  on  account  of  an  unknown  play.  I  do  not 
know  which  of  these  occasions  Chapman  had  in  mind. 


201 

Jonson  praises  Suffolk  in  Epigram  67,  addressed  to  him,  the  date 
of  which  is  uncertain  ;  yet  in  Conversations  'with  Drummond,  xi, 
he  says  that  he  and  Sir  John  Roe  were  "ushered"  (Roe  says 
"  thrust  ")  out  from  a  mask  by  this  same  lord.  The  date  of  this 
occurrence,  Christmas,  1604  (Cunningham),  is  earlier  than  that, 
apparently,  of  the  composition  of  Chapman's  poem. 

13,  165.  First  binding  savadge  Lives.   In  allusion  to 
the  classical  and  Renaissance  doctrine  that  poetry,  in  its  origin  partly 
to  be  identified  with  religion,  was  the  earliest  civilizing  agency  in 
the  progress  of  mankind. 

14,  10.  Fames  Brazen  House.  See  the  description  of 
the  House  of  Fame  in  Ovid,  Met.,  xn,  39  ff.  ;  it  is  situated  in  the 
middle  between  heaven,  earth,  and  sea ;  it  is  built  all  of  brass,  and 
Fame  dwells  upon  the  extreme  top. 

14,  II.  Barathrum.  The  Greek  pa.pa.0pov,  a  pit,  was  used 
occasionally  by  the  Latin  poets  as  meaning  the  infernal  regions. 

14,  16.  Georgius  Chapmannus.    George  Chapman,  c. 
1559-1634,  translator  of  the   Iliad  and  Odyssey,  continuator  of 
Marlowe's  unfinished  Hero  and  Leander,  and  author  of  numerous 
tragedies,  e.  g.,  Bussy  d'Ambois,  2  pts.,  The  Conspiracy  of  Byron, 
Z  pts. ,  and  comedies,  e.  g. ,  The  Gentleman  Usher,  Monsieur  a"  Olive, 
wa«,  of  all  Jonson's  contemporaries,  the  nearest  akin  in  character, 
learning,  and  genius.   The  present  poems  are  very  poor  specimens  of 
his  powers,  and  exhibit  perhaps  more  than  his  usual  proneness  to 
conceal  genuinely  poetic  thought  and  feeling  under  irritating  eccen- 
tricities and  pedantries  of  expression.    Jonson  addresses  a  poem  to 
Chapman,  Undertv.  No.  20.    The  two  poets  appear  to  have  been, 
as  we  should  expect,  close  friends.    Yet,  strangely  enough,  there 
exists,  attributed  to  Chapman,  a  long  MS.  fragment   of  an   "In- 
vective against  Mr.  Ben  Jonson,"  certainly  written  in  the  style  of 
its  reputed  author,  and  severely  if  not  virulently  satirical. 

15,  15.    Hugh   Holland,  died   1633,   was  the  author  of  a 
sonnet  printed  in  the  Shakspere  Folio  of  1623,  and  of  many  other 
bits  of  commendatory  verse,  as  well  as  of  more  pretentious  pieces. 

17,  22.  Th.  R.  may  perhaps  be  Sir  Thomas  Roe  (1581?— 
1644,  knighted  1604—5),  the  ambassador.  Jonson  addresses  two 
epigrams  to  him,  Nos.  98,  99,  and  has  other  poems  to  other  men 
of  the  name  of  Roe,  presumably  of  the  same  family.  It  was  in 


202 

company  with  a  Sir  John  Roe  that  Jonson  was  "  ushered  "  from  a 
mask  at  Court  by  Suffolk. 

18,  Johannes  Marstonius,  1576-1634,  associated  with 
Jonson  and  Chapman  in  the  composition  of  Eastward  Hot  (ed. 
Schelling,   Belles-Lettres  Strict),  is  an  interesting  figure.     He  and 
Jonson  had  quarreled,  and  Jonson  had  bitterly  satirized  him  in  'The 
Poetaster.    A  year  or  so  later  we  find  him  assisting  Jonson  in  the 
play  mentioned   above,  and  a  year  or  to  later  still  attacking  him 
indirectly  in  the  prologue  and  perhaps  the  epilogue  to  his  own  tragedy 
of  Sophonisba,  see  above,  note  on  4,  27.    His  best  known  plays  are 
Antonio  and  Melltda,  2  pts. ,  and  The  Malcontent. 

19,  4.    Confluence  :    the  word  seems  to   be  used  somewhat 
in  the  sense  of  "  affluence,"  and  may  be  said  to  mean,  perhaps, 
"stock  of  acquired  wealth  and  power." 

19, 5-6.  Lightning  comes  behind  the  Thunder.  We 
have  here  one  form  of  the  conventional  medieval  doctrine  of  thunder 
and  lightning.  Thunder  is  the  primary  and  dangerous  element  in 
the  phenomenon,  lightning  the  secondary  and  merely  attendant ;  see 
Howell's  Instruction i  for  Forreine  Travel!,  1641,  ed  Arber,  II : 
"  It  makes  the  effect  oftentimes  fore-run  the  came,  as  we  lee  the 
Lightning,  before  we  Heart  the  Thunder,  though  thunder  be  first 
in  Nature,  being  by  the  violent  eruption  it  makes  out  of  the  Cloud, 
the  cause  of  such  figurations. ' '  And  cf.  Extracts  from  Bartkolo- 
maeus  Anglicut,  ed.  Steele,  1893,  26. 

The  contrast  between  the  cedar  and  the  shrub  and  their  respect- 
ive hazards  is  a  stock  bit  of  moralizing,  to  which  a  rather  close  par- 
allel may  be  found  in  ChalkhilTs  Thealma  and  CltarcAus,  89  ff. 

19,15.  William  Strachey.  Evidently  the  same  as  the 
author,  fl.  1609-1618,  of  A  True  Repertory  of  tne  tvracke  and  re- 
demption of  Sir  Th.  Gates,  Knight,  upon  and  from  the  Islands  of  tke 
Bermudas,  used  by  Shakspere  in  The  Tempett. 

20,  ii.  Where   later  .  .  .  enweav'd.  So  careful  was 
Jonson   to  avoid  anachronisms  that  it  is  not  easy  to  discover  un- 
doubted references  to  contemporary  matters  in  Sejanus  (see,  how- 
ever, Introduction,   p.   lii,   and   the   notes  on   23,   41,   and    125, 
69).    Yet  it  is  easy  to  see  how  such  interpretation  could  be  made, 
and  Jonson's  comedy  was  constantly  attacked  on  similar  grounds. 

The  subject-matter  of  the  play  and  its  treatment  appear  to  have 


203 

given  it  a  kind  of  general  application ;  when  revived  (with  great 
alterations)  as  The  Favorite  in  1 770,  the  purpose  appears  to  have 
been  political  (Genest,  x,  187;  he  classes  it  among  plays  not 
acted);  and  Hazlitt,  speaking  of  Sejanus  in  his  Lectures  on  the 
Age  of  Elizabeth,  says  :  "  I  am  half  afraid  to  give  any  extracts,  lest 
they  should  be  tortured  into  an  application  to  other  times  and  char- 
acters than  those  referred  to  by  the  poet.  ...  It  only  proves  that 
the  characters  of  prophet  and  poet  are  implied  in  each  other ;  that 
he  who  describes  human  nature  well  once,  describes  it  for  good  and 
all,  as  it  was,  is,  and  I  begin  to  fear,  will  ever  be." 

21,  i.  Globes  faire  Ring.  The  Globe,  built  in  1599  in 
Maiden  Lane,  Bankside,  was  the  theatre  in  which  Shakspere  was 
financially  interested. 

21,  5.  The  Peoples  beastly  rage.  See  Dedication,  11. 

4  ff.,  and  In  Sejanum,  11.  14—16. 

22,  19.   for  the  Succession.   Cunningham,  ed.  1875,  says 
these  words  "are  not  in  the  folio  1616,  but  appear  for  the  first 
time  in  the  folio   1640."   They  are  in  the  three  copies  of  F  that 
the  editor  has  seen. 

23>  39-41-  In  one  day  .  .  .  people.  Seneca,  De  Tran- 
quiUitate  Animi,  II:  "quo  die  ilium  senatus  deduxerat,  populus  in 
frusta  di visit." 

23,  41.   people.    There  follows  in  Q  the  passage  printed  in 
the  textual  notes.   The  allusion  is  probably  to  the  Gunpowder  Plot, 
as  Whalley  remarks,  but  may  conceivably  be  to  the  affair  of  Essex, 
which  bore  less  distant  resemblance  to  Sejanus'  conspiracy,  and  per- 
haps suggested  the  subject.   The  allusion  to  the  Plot  would  mean 
that  the  play  was  published  by  Thorpe  between  November  5,  1605, 
and  March  I,  1605-6,  at  least  a  year  later  than  its  entry  in  the 
Stationers'  Register  (November  2,  1604,  for  Blount). 

Doubtless  this  addition  was  for  the  purpose  of  forestalling  un- 
favorable criticism  on  the  choice  of  subject,  and  the  need  for  it  had 
passed  away  by  the  time  of  the  publication  of  the  Folio.  See  note 
on  125,  69  ff. 

25,  i.  Silius.  De  Caio  Si/to,  -vid.  Tacit.  Lips.  edit.  4°.  Anna. 
Lib.  i,  Pag.  ii.  [31]  lib.  2,  fag.  28.  &  33.  [6,  7, 25]  De  Titio 
Sabino.  vid.  Tac.  lib.  4.  pag.  jq.  [18,  19.] 

25,  4  ff.  Wee  are  no  good  inginers.  The  following 


204 

passage  is  especially  characteristic  of  Jonson,  for  the  flatterer  and  the 
parasite  are  constant  subjects  of  his  cistigation  ;  in  his  comedies  they 
are  stock  figures,  and  even  in  Timber  (pp.  35,  51)  and  in  his  minor 
poems  they  receive  much  attention.  The  second  of  the  two  passages 
in  Timber  contains  much  that  closely  parallels  what  is  said  by  Silius 
a  few  lines  below.  Nothing  more  betrays  Jonson's  debt  to  classical 
literature  than  his  handling  of  this  topic,  for  which,  of  course, 
Juvenal  and  the  other  Roman  satirists,  though  they  by  no  means 
furnished  all  of  the  material,  yet  supplied  the  models. 

25,  ii.  By  slaverie,  not  by  service.   Tac.  Annal.  lib. 
I.  fag.  2.  [*  :  ceteri  nobilium,  quanto  quisservitio  promptior,  opi- 
bus  et  honoribus  extollerentur.] 

26,  14.  We  owe  unto  our  crimes.  Juvenal,  Sat.  t. 

-vtr.  75. 

[criminibus  debent  hortos  praetoria  mensas 
argentum  vetus  et  stantem  extra  pocula  caprum.] 


26,  15.  We  burne  with  no  black  secrets.  Et  Sat. 


vtr. 


[quis  nunc  diligitur  nisi  conscius  et  cui  fervens 
aestuat  occultis  animus  semperque  tacendb  ? 
nil  tibi  se  debere  putat,  nil  conferet  umquam, 
participem  qui  te  secret!  fecit  honest!  : 
cams  erit  Verri,  qui  Verrem  tempore  quo  vult 
accusare  potest.  tanti  tibi  non  sit  opaci 
omnis  harena  Tagi  quodque  in  mare  volvitur  aurum, 
ut  somno  careas  ponendaque  praemia  sumas 
tristis  et  a  mago  semper  timcaris  amico. 

See  also  113:  scire  volunt  secreta  domus  atque  inde  timeri.] 
26,  20  ft'.  But  yonder  leane  A  paire  that  doe.  The 
reader  should  note  Jonson's  frequent  practice  of  describing  a  person- 
age, as  toon  as  he  appears  on  the  stage,  through  the  mouth  of  some 
one  already  there.  It  is  characteristic  of  his  comic  work  also,  and 
springs,  as  other  commentators  have  observed,  from  his  desire  that 
the  audience  should  be  perfectly  informed  as  to  the  various  figures. 
So  in  Catiline,  i,  i  ;  HI,  iii  ;  Catiline  himself  is  careful  to  give  us  in 
a  phrase  or  two  the  special  quality  of  each  of  his  associates,  and  at 
the  beginning  of  the  play  the  ghost  of  Sylla  elaborately  expounds  the 


205 

character  of  Catiline.  The  "sons  of  Ben"  not  infrequently  imi- 
tated their  master  in  this  regard,  as  for  example  Beaumont  in  The 
Woman-Hattr . 

26,  21.  Latiaris.  De  Latiari,  cons.  Tac.  Annal.  lib.  4.  fag. 
Q4,  [68,  69]  &  Dion.  Step,  edit.fol.  lib.  58.  fag.  7/7.  [i.] 

2u,  22.  Satrius.  De  Satrio  Secundo,  &  Pinnario  Natta,  Leg 
Tacit.  Annal.  lib.  4.  pag.  8j.  [34]  et  de  Satrio  com.  Senec.  con- 
tol.  ad  Mar  clam.  [22.] 

26,  28.  Flatter,  and  sweare.  Vid.  Sen.  de  Benef.  lib.  3 

cap.  26.  [Given  under  133,  57  ff.] 

26,  30-31.  cut  Mens  throates.  Juv.,  iv,  no  : 

saevior  illo 
Pompeius  tenui  iugulos  aperire  susurro. 

26,  31-2.  sell . .  .  The  emptie  smoake.  Martial,  iv,  v,  7: 

Vendere  nee  vanos  circum  Palatia  fumos. 

27,  36.  watch.    One  of  the  rare  anachronisms  in  Sejanus. 
"  The  speaker  alludes  t6  the  pocket-watch,  which,  in  Jonson's  days, 
was  not  so  independent  of  correction  as  at  present,  but  was  con- 
stantly regulated  by  the  motion  of  the  clock,  at  that  time  the  more 
accurate  machine  of  the  two."    Giffbrd.   Compare  Bartholomew 
Fair,  m,  i :  "  Hag.   Why,  should  the  watch  go  by  the  clock,  or 
the  clock  by  the  watch,  I  pray  ?  " 

27»  37-  true  as  turkise.  All  the  precious  stones  were 
thought  in  former  times  to  have  remarkable  properties  in  the  detection 
of  poisons,  preservation  of  the  wearer's  health,  and  the  like  beneficent 
activities.  The  particular  superstition  here  alluded  to  is  found  more 
often  in  connection  with  the  turquoise,  and  perhaps  the  opal,  than 
with  other  stones,  as  is  natural  in  view  of  the  fact  that  under  cer- 
tain conditions  these  do  actually  lose  their  brightness  and  color. 
Parallels  innumerable  might  be  given,  e.  g.,  in  Saintsbury's  Caro- 
line Poets,  ii,  161  : 

And  therefore,  Cynthia,  as  a  turquoise  bought, 

Or  stol'n,  or  found,  is  virtueless,  and  nought, 

It  must  be  freely  given  by  a  friend, 

Whose  love  and  bounty  doth  such  virtue  lend, 

As  makes  it  to  compassionate,  and  tell 

By  looking  pale,  the  wearer  is  not  well. 


206 

27,  38.  Looke  well,  .  .  .  Catch,  Juvenal,  S*t.  J.  w. 
103. 

[non  lumus  ergo  pares :   melior,  qui  semper  et  omni 
nocte  dieque  potest  aliena  sumcre  vultum 
a  facie,  iactare  manus,  laudare  paratus, 
si  bene  ructavit,  si  rectum  minxit  amicus, 
si  trulla  in  verso  crepitum  dedit  aurea  fundo.] 

27,  41.  confer'd  with  other  vile.  Pld.  Toe.  Ann.  lib. 
'•  ?<*&•  3-  [*•  Sce  undcr  25.  *  *  •] 

27,  46  ff.  all  our  Consuls.  Tac.  Annal.  lib.  j>.  fag.  69. 
[65.  Ceterum  tempora  ilia  adeo  infccta  et  adulatione  sordida  fuere, 
ut  non  modo  primorcs  civitatis  .  .  .  sed  omnes  consulates,  magna 
pars  eonim  qui  praetura  tuncti  multiquc  etiam  pedarii  senatores  cer- 
tatim  exsurgerent  foedaque  et  nimia  censerent.  Memoriae  proditur 
Tiberium,  quotient  curia  egrederetur,  Graccis  verbis  in  hunc  modum 
eloqui  solitum  :  "O  homines  adservitutem  paratos  !  "  Scilicet  etiam 
ilium,  qui  libertatem  publican)  nollet,  tarn  proiectae  servientium 
patientiae  taedebat.j 

27,  48     Pedarii.  These,  according  to  Harper'i  Dictionary, 
were  "  those  senators  who  had  not  yet  been  entered  by  the  censors 
on  the  list  or  roll  of  senators,  and  who  had  no  vote  of  their  own, 
but  could  merely  signify  their  assent  to  that  of  another."     But 
Willems,  Le  Senat  de  la  Reputliyui  Romaint,  i,  137  ff.,  shows  that 
this  notion  (the  one  that  Jonson  had  in  mind,  for  his  meaning 
clearly  is  that  senators  who  had  no  right  to  speak  would  violate  the 
rules  of  the  senate  in  order  to  flatter  Tiberius)  is  incorrect.   The 
pedarii  were  the  mass  of  senators,  who  had  never  held  curule  mag- 
istracies, and  hence  had  not  the  right  to  sit  on  curule  chairs  ;  such 
would,  according  to  the  procedure  of  the  senate,  speak  rarely,  since 
they  would  in  the  nature  of  things  be  rarely  called  upon  by  the  pre- 
siding officer. 

28,  51.  Tiberius  hath  beene  heard.   Ibid.  [See  under 

46  above.) 

28,  60.  triumphed  world  is  probably  from  Ovid's  "tri- 
umphati  orbis,"  Aaiorei,  i,  15,  16.  Cf.  Catiline,  HI,  2  : 

And  lay  waste 
The  far  triumphed  world. 
28,  64.  every  ministring  spie.  Ltgt  Tac.  Ann.,  lit  i. 


207 

f>ag.  24.  [74]  de  Romano  Hispane,  &  caeteris.  ibid,  et  lib.  3. 
Ann.  pag.  61.  &?  62.  [apparendy  36,  ^j]Ju-ven.  Sat.  10.  ver. 
87. 

[sed  videant  servi,  ne  quis  neget  et  pavidum  in  ius 
cervice  obstricta  dominum  trahat.] 

Suet.  Tib.  cap.  61.  [Decreta  accusatoribus  praecipua  praemia,  non- 
numquam  et  testibus.  Nemini  delatorum  tides  abrogata.  But  this 
is  said  of  Tiberius  after  the  fall  of  Sejanus.] 

The  ' '  ministering  spies ' '  were  specifically  known  as  delatores. 
Roman  law  recognized  no  official  detective  or  police  force,  and 
offenders  were  brought  before  the  proper  authorities  by  private  per- 
sons, who  collected  the  requisite  information  and  frequently  acted 
as  prosecutors.  To  stimulate  their  zeal,  a  portion  of  the  property 
of  convicted  persons  was  bestowed  upon  them  (see  99,  360), 
and  even  the  strictest  administration  of  justice  with  difficulty  pre- 
vented this  appeal  to  cupidity  from  nourishing  a  pernicious  class  of 
professional  spies.  Under  Tiberius  these  delators  played  the  part  here 
assigned  them  (see  also  7 1 ,  194^,  122,  I  ff. ),  and  under  the  worst 
of  the  following  emperors  they  became  even  more  active. 

28,  67.  Our  lookes  are  call'd  to  question.  Vid.  Tac. 
Ann.  i.  fag.  4.  [Apparently  chs.  4-6  are  meant  ;  the  reference  is 
vague.]  &  lib.  J.  pa.  62  [38  .  .  .  addito  maiestatis  crimine,  quod 
turn  omnium  accusationum  complementum  erat.  See  135,  85, 
where  the  phrase  is  given  to  Arruntius.]  Suet.  Tib.  cap.  6f. 
[Omne  crimen  pro  capital!  receptum.  .  .  .]  Senec.  de  Btnef.  lib. 
3.  cap.  26.  [See  under  133,  57.] 
Cf.  Massinger,  Roman  Actor,  i,  i  ; 

Rust.  Noble  Lamia, 

So  dangerous  the  age  is,  and  such  bad  acts 

Are  practised  everywhere,  we  hardly  sleep, 

Nay,  cannot  dream  with  safety.  All  our  actions 

Are  call'd  in  question  ;  to  be  nobly  born 

Is  now  a  crime  $  and  to  deserve  too  well, 

Held  capital  treason. 

28,  70.  Tyrannes.  Tyranne,  or  tyran,  is  the  regular  Elizabeth- 
an form,  from  tyrannus  ;  final  /  in  tyrant  is  wholly  excrescent,  and 
appears  by  analogy  with  forms  like  servant,  ministrant,  as  though 
from  a  (never-existing)  original  tyrans,  tyrantis. 


208  /iotrs 

28,  73.   CorduS.    Dt   Cremutio   Cor  Jo  via"  Tacit.  Annal.  lib. 
4.  pag.  8j.  84.  [34,  35,  dramatized  b  latter  part  of  in,  i]  Sent;, 
consol.  ad  Marciam. [l,   22,25,  26]  Dio.  lib.  57.  pag   710.   [24] 
Suet.  Aug.  ca.  35.   Tib.  cap.  6l.  Col.  cap.  ib. 

29,  78.  and  so  downe  to  these.    Leg.  Suit.    Aug.  ea. 
jj.   Cordus  is  here  cited  as  authority  for  a  statement  about  a  sena- 
torial reform  instituted  by  Augustus. 

29,  80.  or  Drusian  ?  or  Germanican  ?  fid.  dt  factio 
[nibus]  Toe.  Ann.  lib.  2.  pag.  jg.  [43.  Tacitus  is  writing  of  A.D. 
17,  before  the  death  of  Germanicus  and  with  reference  to  the 
tending  of  Piso  to  Syria,  see  below  under  33,  166.  Divisa  namque 
et  discors  aula  erat  tacitis  in  Drusum  aut  Germanicum  studiis.  Ti- 
berius ut  proprium  et  sui  sanguinis  Drusum  fovebat ;  Germanico 
alienatio  patrui  amorem  apud  ceteros  auxerat,  et  quia  claritudbe  ma- 
terni  generis  anteibat,  avum  M.  Antonium,  avunculum  Augustum 
ferens.  Contra  Druso  proavus  eques  Romanus  Pomponius  Atticut 
dedecere  Claudiorum  imagines  videbatur  ;  et  coniunx  Germanic!  Ag- 
rippina  fecunditate  ac  fama  Liviam  uxorem  Drusi  praecellebat.  Sed 
fratres  egregie  Concordes  et  proximorum  certaminibus  inconcussi.l 
&  lib.  4.  pa.  79.  [17.  Here  we  are  told  of  the  continuance  of 
these  feuds  after  the  death  of  Germanicus  ;  see  below  under  67,  96  ; 

73,  *3'  ff-] 

29,  86.   Arruntius.  Dt  Lu.  Aruntio  iito,  vid.    Toe.   Ann. 
lib.  /.  pag.  6.  [13]  &  lib.  3.  pag.  6ot  [31]  &  Dion.  Rom.  Hitt. 
lib.  j8.  [27] 

30,  9°     god-like  Cato  :  probably  a  recollection  of  Horace's 
"sententia  dia  Catonis,"  Sat.   I,  l,  31. 

30,  104.  DfUSUS.  Ltgt  dt  Drum  Tac.  Anna.  lib.  1.  pag.  9. 
[14]  Sutt.  Tib.  cap.  52.  [Filiorum  neque  naturalem  Drusum  neque 
adoptivum  Germanicum  patria  caritate  dilexit  [Tiberius],  alterius 
vitiis  infensus  Nam  Drusus  fluxions  rem'miorisque  vitae  erat.  Itaque 
ne  mortuo  quidem  perinde  adfectus  est,  sed  tantum  non  statim  a 
funere  ad  negotiorum  consuetudinem  rediit,  iustitio  longiore  inhibito. 
See  83,  35  ff-1  Dto.  Rom.  kitt.  lib.  57.  pag.  bqq.  [13,  14] 

30,  106  A  riotous  youth.  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  j.  pag.  62. 
[37.  Et  Considius  Aequus  et  Caelius  Cursor  equites  Romani,  quod 
nctis  maiestatis  criminibus  Magium  Caecilianum  praetorem  petirts- 
sent,  auctore  principe  ac  decreto  senatus  puniti.  Utrumque  in  laudem 


jftotrs  209 

Drusi  trahebatur  :  ab  eo  in  urbi,  inter  coetus  et  sermones  hominum 
obversante,  secreta  patris  mitigari.  Neque  luxus  in  iuvene  adeo  dis- 
piicebat:  hue  potius  intenderet,  diem  aedificationibus,  noctem  con- 
viviis  traheret,  quam  solus  et  nullis  voluptatibus  avocatus  maestam 
vigilantiam  et  malas  curas  exerceret.] 
31,  112.  for  opposing  to  Sejanus.  Vid.  Tac.  Ann.  lib. 

4-  PaS-  74-  [7] 

31,  "3-  gracing  his  young  kinsmen.  Ann  lib.  4. 
fag.  15.  76.  [8.  Drusus  had  adopted  the  two  sons  of  Germanicus, 
Nero  and  Drusus  jr.  See  84,  67  ff.] 

31,  114.    The  sonnes  of  Prince  Germanicus.    Nero. 

Drusus.  Caius,  qui  in  castrts  genitus,  et  Caligula  nomtnatui.  Tac.  An. 
I.  I.  [41]  De  Germanico.  cons.  Tac.  Anna.  lib.  i.  fag.  14,  [7]  et 
Dion.  Hist.  Rom.  1.  37.  p.  694.  [4,  5,  6] 

31,121.  Sabinus  and  my  selfe.  Vid.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4. 
fag.  fq.  [18.  In  speaking  of  Sabinus  and  Silius,  Tacitus  says: 
"  Amicitia  Germanici  perniciosa  utrique."] 

31,  124-5.  most  like  to  virtue'.  Jonson  is  here  quoting 
from  Velleius  Paterculus,  u,  35,  who  says  of  Cato:  "  homo  virtuti 
simillimus  et  per  omnia  ingenio  diis  quam  hominibus  propior." 

32,  128  ff.  He  could  so  use  his  state.    Tac.  An.  I.  2. 
fag.  4f.  [72-3.   Indoluere  exterae  nationes  regesque  :  tanta  illi  co- 
mitas  in  socios,  mansuetudo  in  hostis ;  visuque  et  auditu  iuxta  ven- 
erabilis,  cum  magnitudinem  et  gravitatem  summae  fortunae  retineret, 
invidiam  et  adrogantiam  effugerat.   Funus  sine  imaginibus  et  pompa 
per  laudes  ac  memoriam  virtutum  eius  celebre  fuit.   Et  erant  qui  for- 
mam,  aetatem,  genus  mortis  ob  propinquitatem  etiam  locorum,  in 
quibus  interiit,  magni  Alexandri  fads  adaequarent.    Nam  utrumque 
corpore  decoro,  genere  insigni,  haud  multum  triginta  annos  egressum, 
suorum  insidiis  externas  inter  gentes  occidisse  :  sed  hunc  mitem  erga 
amicos,  modicum  voluptatum,  uno  matrimonio,  certis  liberis  egisse, 
neque  minus  proeliatorem,  etiam  si  temeritas  afuerit  praepeditusque 
sit  perculsas  tot  victoriis  Germanias  servitio  premere.]  et  Dion.  his. 
Rom.  lib.  57  fag.  705.  [18] 

32,  132.  images.  "I  have  repeatedly  been  reminded  of  a 
custom  of  the  ancient  Romans,  who  placed  in  the  niches  of  the  at- 
rium the  painted  masks  of  their  ancestors  and  connected  their  por- 
traits by  means  of  the  lines  of  the  family  tree.  Those  portraits  were 


210 

regarded  u  the  chief  adornment  of  the  home,  and  were  never  re- 
moved except  on  the  occasion  of  a  death  in  the  family,  when  each 
of  the  mask*  was  assumed  by  a  living  representative,  who  was  robed 
in  the  semblance  of  the  departed,  and  took  his  place  in  the  funeral 
procession  that  ended  at  the  Rostra  in  the  Forum.  There  the  '  an- 
cestors '  descended  from  their  chariots,  and  seated  themselves  in  their 
curule  chain, while  the  next  of  kin  arose  and  rehearsed  the  names 
and  deeds  of  the  men  enthroned  around,  and  Anally  those  of  him 
who  had  been  the  last  to  die."  Sandys,  Hittory  of  Gaittcal  Sckolar- 
itip,  n,  vii.  As  Germanicus  died  in  Antioch  (A.  n.  19),  this  cus- 
tom could  not  of  course  be  fully  carried  out. 

32,  150.   Pompei's  dignitie  .  .  .  Brutus.     Vtdt  apud 
yell.  Patcrcul.  lift.  [=  ed.  by  Lipsius]  4°.  pag.  30. 33.  JJ.  47. 
ii  forum  hominum  Caractcrci.   [n,   29,  Pompey  U  characterized  by 
dignity  and  constancy  ;   n,  35,  Cato,  see  under  31,  124;   n,  41, 
Caesar  is  spoken  of  as  "vigore  animi  acerrimus  "  ;  n,  72,  the  char- 
acter of  Brutus  is  given,  but  in  general  terms  ;  wisdom  and  temper- 
ance are  not  specifically  mentioned.] 

33.  '53-4-  Which,  parted  .  .  .  him.  Claudian,  Dt  Con- 
tut.  Stilick.  i,  34-5: 

In  te  mixta  fluunt,  et  quae  di versa  beatos 
Erficiunt  collecta  tenes. 

Cf.  Ariosto,  Orlando  Furioto,  xxxv,  9: 

Quegli  ornament!  che  divisi  in  mold, 
A  molti  basterian  per  tutti  ornarli, 
In  suo  ornamento  avra  tutti  raccolti 
Costui,  di  c'hai  voluto  ch'io  ti  parli. 

33,  158.  and  that  they  knew,  ndt  Tac.  lib.  a.  Anna, 
fag.  28.  [5.  Ceterum  Tiberio  haud  ingratum  accidit  turbari  res 
Orientis,  ut  ea  specie  Germanicum  suetis  legionibus  abstraheret  no- 
visque  provinciis  impositum  dolo  simul  et  casibus  obiectaret.]  (Sf  fag. 
34.  [26.  It  treats  of  the  recall  of  Germanicus  from  his  command  in 
Germany.]  Dio.  Rom.  kin.  lib.  57.  pag.  ?oj.  706.  [18.  It  re- 
lates rumors  concerning  the  death  of  Germanicus.] 

33,  1 66.  so  was  he.  Con.  Tac.  Ann.  I.  a.  p.  jp  [43],  dt 
otcultitmandotn  Pnoni,  1 1 foitea  pag  42.  43.  [55,57-  They  relate 


211 

in  detail  the  quarrel  between  Germanicus  and  Piso,  which  seems  to 
have  been  largely  over  questions  of  jurisdiction.]  48.  Oratio  Do. 
Celeris  Est  Tibi  Augustus  consciencia,  est  Caesarisjfa-vor,  sed  in  oc- 
cu/to,  &c.  [This  speech  of  Domitius  Celer,  in  which  he  advises  Piso 
as  to  how  he  should  conduct  himself  after  the  death  of  Germanicus, 
is  in  77.]  Leg.  Suet.  Tib.  cap.  52.  [Suetonius  touches  upon  the 
hatred  of  Tiberius  for  Germanicus,  and  refers  to  the  belief  that  Piso 
was  guilty  of  the  crime.]  Dio.  p.  jo6.  [18] 

Piso  was  tried  before  the  Senate  in  A.  D.  20,  but  committed  sui- 
cide before  conviction.  There  seems  to  have  been  no  proof  that  he 
was  guilty,  or  even  that  Germanicus  was  poisoned. 

33,  173.  A  fine  poyson.  Vid.  Tac.  Ann.  I.  2.  pag.  46  & 
47  [69-73-  They  recount  the  death  of  Germanicua,  and  the  sus- 
picions attaching  to  Piso.]  lib.  3.  p.  54.  [10—20.  They  deal  with 
the  trial  of  Piso.  The  reference  is  vague,  but  perhaps  Jonson  had 
in  mind  the  phrase  ' '  conscientiae  matris  innexum  est, ' '  suggesting 
that  both  Tiber! us  and  his  mother  were  implicated  in  the  poisoning.] 
tt  Suet.  Calig.  cap.  I.&2.  [Suetonius  repeats  the  accusations  against 
Tiberius.] 

33>  I7S-  Sejanus.  De  Sejano  -vid.  Tacit.  Annal.  I.  I.  pag. 
q.  [24.  In  A.  D.  14  he  was  already  a  person  of  some  influence 
with  Tiberius.]  /.  4.  princip\\o\.  [i,  2.  C.  Asinio  C.  Antistio 
consulibus  nonus  Tiberio  annus  erat  compositae  rei  publicae,  floren- 
tis  domus  (nam  Germanici  mortem  inter  prospera  ducebat),  cum  re- 
pente  turbare  fortuna  coepit,  saevire  ipse  aut  saevientibus  vires  prae- 
bere.  initium  et  causa  penes  Aelium  Sejanum  cohortibus  praetoriis 
prefectum,  cuius  de  potentia  supra  memoravi :  nunc  originem,  mores, 
et  quo  facinore  dominationem  raptum  ierit,  expediam.  genitus  Vul- 
siniis  patre  Seio  Strabone  equite  Romano,  et  prima  iuventa  Gaium 
Caesarem  divi  August!  nepotem  sectatus,  non  sine  rumore  Apicio 
diviti  et  prodigo  stuprum  veno  dedisse,  mox  Tiberium  variis  arti- 
bus  devinxit,  adeo  ut  obscurum  adversum  alios  sibi  uni  incautum  in- 
tectumque  efficeret,  non  tam  sollertia  (quippe  isdem  artibus  victus 
est)  quam  deum  ira  in  rem  Romanam,  cuius  pariexitio  viguit  ceci- 
ditque.  corpus  illi  laborum  tolerans,  animus  audax;  sui  obtegens,  in 
alios  criminator;  iuxta  adulatio  et  superbia;  palam  compositus  pudor, 
intus  summa  apiscendi  libido,  eiusque  causa  modo  largitio  et  luxus, 
saepius  industria  et  vigilantia,  haud  minus  noxiae,  quotiens  parando 
regno  finguntur. 


212 

Vim  praefecturae  modicam  antea  intcndit,  disperas  per  urbrm 
cohortea  una  in  castra  conduccndo,  ut  simul  imperia  acciperent,  nu- 
meroque  et  robore  et  visu  inter  se  fiducia  ipsis,  in  ceteros  mctus  ore- 
rctur.  praetendebat  lascivire  militcm  diductum;  si  quid  subitum  in- 
gruat,  maiore  auxilio  pariter  subveniri;  et  severius  acturos,  li  vallum 
itatuatur  procul  urbis  inleccbris.  ut  pcrfccta  sunt  castra,  inrepere  pau- 
latim  militarcs  animos  adeundo,  appellando ;  limul  centuriones  ac 
tribunes  ipse  deligere.  neque  senatorio  ambitu  abttinebat  cliente*  suos 
honoribus  aut  provinciis  ornandi,  facili  Tiberio  atque  ita  prono,  ut 
tocium  laborum  non  modo  in  sermonibus,  sed  apud  patres  et  popu- 
lum  cclebrarct  colique  per  thcatra  et  fora  effigies  cius  interque  prin- 
cipia  legionum  sineret.]  et  jxr  rcr[um]  Sutt.  Tib.  Dion.  lib.  37.  & 
j8.  Plin.  et  State. 

34,  1 80.  Eudemus.  DC  Eudemo  tin,  vid.  Tac.  Ann.  lib. 
4-  P"K-  74-  [3-  Sumitur  [Sejano]  in  conscientiam  Eudemus,  amicus 
et  medicus  Liviae,  specie  artis  frequens  secretut.] 

34,  183.   Fiflie  sestertia.   Monetat  nottrat  375.   li.  vidt 
Budaeum,  dt  Atu.  lib.  2.  fag.  64.   Budaeus,  1467-1540,  was, 
says  Sandys,  "  the  first  serious  student  of  the  Roman  coinage."  It 
is  questionable,  of  course,  how  far  it  is  possible  for  us  to  obtain  an 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  real  value  of  ancient  coins.   Money  in 
the  Elizabethan  period  is  generally  thought  to  have  possessed  six  to 
eight  times  ita  present  value. 

35,200-1.  for  the  emptie  circumstance.  Gifford  notes 
Juv.  TDI,  84: 

Et  propter  vitam,  vivendi  perdere  causam. 

35,  101.  Sejanus  can  repaire.  Dt  iagtnh,  moribm,  & 

foientia,  Stjani.  leg.  Tat.  Annal.  lib.  4..  fag.  74.  [See  under  175 
above.]  Dio.  Hia.  Rom.  lib.  jf.  fag.  708.  [ai,  aa.J 

36,  113.    CaiuS.    Caius    Cottar,  drvi    Augutti    ntfoi.   com. 
Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pa.  74.  [See  under  175  above.] 

36,  114-5.  He  prostituted  .  .  .  Apicius.  Tat.  ibid. 

&  Dion.  hist.  Rom.  lib.  57.  fag.  706.  [19:  "that  Apicius 
who  so  far  surpassed  all  mankind  in  voluptuous  living  that  when 
he  had  once  desired  to  leam  how  much  he  had  already  spent,  and 
how  much  he  still  had,  on  finding  that  two  hundred  and  fifty  myri- 
ads were  left  him,  became  grief-stricken,  feeling  that  he  was  d«- 
tincd  to  die  of  hunger,  and  took  his  own  life."] 


213 

36,  217  ff.  Second  face.  Juven.  Sat.  10.  vert.  63.  [Se- 
ianus,  deinde  ex  facie  toto  orbe  secunda]  Tacit,  ibid.  Dion.  ibid. 

36,  122-3.  all  that  heretofore,  etc.  Saegelken,  Btn 
Jomons  Romer-Dramen,  p.  39,  compares  Juv.  Sat.  x,  78: 

nam  qui  dabat  olim 

imperium  fasces  legiones  omnia,   nunc  se 
continet  atque  duas  tantum  res  animus  optat, 
panem  et  circenses. 

36,  225.   One,  and  his  house.  Tacitus  in  the  Histories,  i, 
37,  has  the  phrase,   "  una  ilia  domus,"   but  Jonson  seems  rather 
here  to  have  in  mind  Claudiam,  In  Rufinum,  I,  193—4  : 

Congestae  cumulantur  opes  orbisque  ruinas 
Accipit  una  domus. 

37,  234.   Where,  now,  etc.    Tacit,  ibid.  [See  under  175 
above.] 

37»  235-6-  to  court  the  souldier,  by  his  name.  Per- 
haps Jonson  made  use  here  of  Tacitus,  Hist,  i,  23 :  "in  itinere, 
in  agmine,  in  stationibus  vetustissimum  quemque  militum  nomine 
vocans  [Otho]  ac  memoria  Neroniani  comitatus  contubernales 
appellando ;  alios  adgnoscere,  quosdam  requirere  et  pecunia  aut 
gratia  iuvare." 

This  collective  use  of  the  singular  "  soldier"  is  common  in  Eliza- 
bethan verse,  and  probably  is  due  to  the  similar  use  of  the  Latin 
miles  as  equivalent  to  soldiers  or  soldiery. 

Cf.  Massinger,  Emperor  of  the  East,  v,  i: 

I  never  courted  popular  applause, 

Feasted  the  men  of  action,  or  labour'd 

By  prodigal  gifts  to  draw  the  needy  soldier,  etc. 

Suetonius,  Tiberius,  48,  says  that  Tiberius  gave  certain  gifts 
' '  praetorianis,  quod  Seiano  se  non  accommodassent,  et  quaedam 
munera  Syriacis  legionibus,  quod  solae  nullam  Seiani  imaginem 
inter  signa  coluissent." 

37>  237-4°-  though  he  ne're  were  liberall  by  kind. 
Ibid,  [see  under  33,  175]  et  Dion.  ibid.  [57,  19] 

37,  242  ff.  Is  there  that  step  in  state  can  make  him 
higher  ?  .  .  .  Nothing  but  Emp'rour.  Cf.  Machiavelli, 


214  jjiOtffl! 

Ditcorsi,  HI,  vi  :  "  Costoro  [Perarnnius,  Flautianus,  Sejanus]  tutti 
furono  dai  loro  imperadori  costituiti  in  tanta  ricchezza,  onore  e 
grado,  che  non  pareva  che  mancasse  loro  alia  perfezione  della  potenza 
altro  che  I'imperio;  e  di  questo  non  volendo  mancarc,  si  messono 
a  congiurare  contro  al  principe. " 

37,  144-7.  The  name  Tiberius.  "The  anachronic 
mixture  in  this  Arruntius  of  the  Roman  republican,  to  whom  Ti- 
berius must  have  appeared  as  much  a  tyrant  as  Sejanus  with  his 
Jame»-and-Charles-the-First  zeal  for  legitimacy  of  descent  in  this 
passage,  is  amusing.  Of  our  great  names,  Milton  was,  I  think,  the 
first  who  could  properly  be  called  a  republican.  My  recollections  of 
Buchanan's  works  are  too  faint  to  enable  me  to  judge  whether  the 
historian  is  not  a  fair  exception."  Coleridge,  Works,  ed.  Shedd,  iv, 
190. 

37,  149.  they  are  three.  Nero.  Drums.  Caligula.  Tacit, 
ibid.   [3.   Ceterum  plena  Caesarum  domus,  iuvenis  filius,  nepotea 
adult!  moram  cupitis  adferebant  ;  et  quia  vi  tot  simul  corripere  in- 
tutum,  dolus  intervalla  scelerum  poscebat.j     But  the  language  of 
Jonson's  line  is  suggested  by  Ann.  iv,   iz:   "neque  spargi  vene- 
num  in  tres  poterat." 

38,  5.   Your  fortune's  made.   Leg.   Terentii  defensionem. 
Tac.   Annal.  li.  6.  fag.  IO2.    [8.  M.  Terentius,  defending  himself 
on  the  charge  of  complicity  in  the  conspiracy  of  Sejanus,  said, 
"  Illius  [SejaniJ  propinqui  et  adfines  honoribus  augebantur  ;  ut  quis- 
que  Seiano  intimus,  ita  ad  Caesaris  amicitiam  validus  :  contra  quibus 
infensus  esset,  metu  ac  sordibus  confiictabantur. "] 

39,  19.    Livia.    Germanic!  soror,  uxor  Druti.  y\d.  Tac.  Ann, 
lib.  4.  fag.  fj.   [3    ...   Liviam    .    .    .    quae  soror  Germanic!, 
formae  initio  actatis  indecorae,  mox  pulchritudine  praecellebat.] 

40,  25.   feare  no  collours.   N.  £.  D.  explains  this  idiom 
to  mean  fear  no  foe,  "  colours  "  having  the  sense  it  bears  in  "  the 
regimental  colours."  Sejanus  is  evidently  punning. 

1O,   31-1.    Augusta  :  Mater  Tiberii  [and  wife  of  Augustus] 
Tac .  Annal.  lib.  I.  2.  3.  4.  moritur.  j.  Suet.  Tib.  Dio  Hitt. 
Rom.  lib.  57,  38. 

Urgulania :  Delirium  Auguitae.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  2.  [34.  In 
this  she  is  tried  for  debt ;  and  on  another  occasion,  relying  on  her 
favor  with  Augusta,  she  refuted  to  give  testimony  in  court,  so  that 
commissioners  had  to  be  sent  to  her.]  &  4.  [zi,  zz] 


215 

Mutilia   Pfisca  :  Adultera  Julii  Postumi.    Tacit.   Ann.  lib. 

4-P"g-  77-  t'2] 

Plancina  :  P&oail  uxor.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  2.  J.  &  4.  [The 
wife  of  the  Piso  mentioned  under  33,  166  ;  she  was  suspected  of 
complicity  in  the  murder  of  Germanicus.] 

40,  40.  the  onely  cabinets,  in  court.  Vid.  Tac.  Ann. 

lib.  4.  pag.  74.  [3.  ...  Eudemus,  amicus  ac  medic  us  Liviae, 
specie  artis  frequens  secretis]  &  Plin.  Nat.  Hist.  lib.  29.  cap.  I. 

40,  47-50.     Which  ...  it.    Almost    verbatim,    Cynthia's 
Re-vets,  iv,  I. 

41,  54.   but:    "Mr.   Sympson  conjectures  that  pure  is  the 
true  reading."   Whalley. 

42,  80.    love    to    Livia.    Cons.    Tac.   Ann.    lib.    4.  fag. 
74.   [3.   Igitur  [Seiano]  cuncta  temptanti  promptissimum  visum  ad 
uxorem  eius  [Drusi]  Liviam  convertere.   Tacitus  does  not  say  that 
Eudemus  was  the  intermediary  between  Sejanus  and  Livia.] 

43,  90-   Sejanus  love.    Tac.  ibid.   [See  under  42,  80.] 

43,  104-5.  how  ill  she  hath  deserv'd.  Lucan,  Phar- 

ralia,  v,  581-3  : 

quem  numina  numquam 

destituunt,  de  quo  male  turn  Fortuna  meretur, 
cum  post  vota  venit. 
Made  use  of  also  in  The  Misfortunes  of  Arthur,  iv,  1. 

44, 106  ff.  Ambition  makes.  Compare  113, 27  ff.,  and  the 
speech  in  Catiline  at  the  end  of  in,  iii,  beginning: 

What  ministers  men  must  for  practice  use, 
The  rash,  the  ambitious,  needy,  desperate. 

44,  107.    These  fellowes,  by  the  favour  of  their 

arte.  Eud  [emus]  specie  artis  frequens  secretis.  Tacit,  ibid.  •via'. 
Plin.  Nat.  Hist.  lib.  2Q.  cap.  I.  in  criminatfione]  Medicorum. 
[This  note  is  a  repetition  of  that  on  40,  40.] 

44, 115.  Wee  not  endure  these  flatteries.  De  initio 

Tiberii  Principatus  -vid.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  l.  pag.  23.  [71]  lib.  4. 
pag.  J5  [6.  In  both  chapters  Tacitus  tells  us  that  Tiberius  began 
his  principate  with  at  least  the  pretense  of  republican  sincerity  and 
simplicity.]  et  Suet.  Tib.  cap.  27.  [Adulationes  adeo  adversatus  est, 
ut  neminem  senatorum  aut  officii  aut  negotii  causa  ad  lecticam  suam 
admiserit,  consularem  vero,  satisfacientem  sibi  ac  per  genua  orare 
conantem,  ita  suffugerit  ut  caderet  supinus;  atque  etiam,  si  quid  in 


216  potrs 

•ermone  vel  in  continua  oratione  blandius  de  se  diceretur,  non  dubi- 
taret  interpellate  ac  reprehendere  et  commutarc  continue.]  De  Ha- 
ttrio  <viJ.  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  r.  fag.  6.  [13.  Here  we  are  told  that 
Tiberius  had  an  old  grudge  against  him.] 

We  might  compare  Julius  Caesar ,  in,  i,  35: 
Cats,  [to  Cimber,  who  kneels].   I  mutt  prevent  thee,  Cimber. 
These  couching*  .   .   . 

44,  1 1 6.  axes,  rods  :  that  is,  the  fasces,  each  consisting  of 
an  axe,  bound  up  with  a  bundle  of  rods;  the  fasces  were  borne  before 
the  higher  Roman  magistrates,  as  symbolizing  their  power  over  life 
and  death. 

44,  iii-a.  O,  what  is  it.  Juv.  Sat.  iv,  70-71: 

nihil  est  quod  credere  de  se 
non  postit  cum  laudatur  dis  aequa  potestat. 

Giffbrd. 

45,  123.    He  did  not  heare  it.  It  hardly  seems  consistent  that 
Cord  in  should  have  defended  Tiberius  against  the  charge  of  hypo- 
crisy and  then  immediately  (1.  135)  have  advanced  the  same  charge. 
I  consequently  suggest  that  1.  113  be  assigned  to  Cot(ta].    But  both 
Q  and  F  are  perfectly  plain  in  assigning  to  Corfdus]. 

45,  115-7.  Tis  your  most  courtly,  koowne  confed- 
eracy. The  sense  is :  It  is  the  most  refined  sort  of  concerted  trick- 
ery known  to  have  your  own  ( private )  parasite  redeem  the  reputa- 
tion that  you  lose  out  of  public  subtlety.  Sejanus  by  uttering  119, 
which  the  politic  Tiberius  pretended  not  to  hear,  made  up  for  the 
Ion  which  the  latter  sustained  in  refusing  the  Mattery  directly  ad- 
dressed to  him  by  Haterius.  Compare  1 50-4. 

45, 129.  We  must  make  up  our  eares,  'gainst  these 
assaults.  Com.  Tat.  Anna.  lib.  a.  fog.  jo.  [87  :  acerbeque 
increpuit  eos,  qui  divinas  occupationes  ipsumque  dominum  dixerant.] 
tt  Suet.  Tib.  cap.  2j  &  29  [a)  Dominus  appellants  a  quodam, 
denuntiavit  ne  se  amplius  contumeliae  causa  nominaret.  b)  Atque 
haec  eo  notabiliora  erant,  quod  ipse  in  appellandis  venerandisque  et 
singulis  et  universis  prope  excesserat  humanitatis  modum.] 

45.  '35-  Rarely  dissembled.  Nullam  aeyut  Tiberiui,  an 
•virtutibmi  luit  /juam  diuimulationem  diligtbat.  Tat.  Atinal.  lib.  4. 

PV-  95-  [7i] 

45.  13&~7-  When  power.  Compare  Jonson's  Timb.,  ed. 
Schelling,  p.  37,  under  Morei  Aulici:  "  I  have  discovered  that  a 


217 

feigned  familiarity  in  great  ones  is  a  note  of  certain  usurpation  on  the 
less.  For  great  and  popular  men  feign  themselves  to  be  servants  to 
others  to  make  those  slaves  to  them.  So  the  fisher  provides  bait  for 
the  trout,  roach,  dace,  etc. ,  that  they  may  be  food  to  him. ' ' 

46,  141-9.  Had  but  a  minde.  See  note  on  125,  69  ff., 

and  cf.  Mart.,  xi,  v,  5  ff.  : 

Si  redeant  veteres,  ingentia  nomina,  patres, 

Elysium  liceat  si  vacuare  nemus  : 
Te  colet  invictus  pro  libertate  Camillas, 

Aurum  Fabricius,  te  tribuente,  volet ; 
Te  duce  gaudebit  Brutus. 

46,  145.   The  ghosts  of  those.  Bruti,  Cassii,  Catonis,  &c. 
46,  147-9.   Men  are  deceiv'd.  Gifford  refers  to  Claud.,  De 
Consul.  Sti/icA.,  in,  113: 

Fallitur,  egregio  quisquis  sub  principe  credit 
Servitium.   Nunquam  libertas  gratior  exstat 
Quam  sub  rege  pio. 
46,  150.   his  grace  is  meerely  but  lip-good,  Vid. 

Dio.  hist.  Rom.  lib.  jjj.  de  moribus  Tiberii.  f.  6yo.  [l,  2.  These 
illustrate  the  dissimulation  of  Tiberius.] 

46,  153.  strokes,  and  stripes  .  .  .  which  within. 
In  allusion  to  the  fact  that  sensualists  sometimes  employ  physical 
pain  as  a  stimulant  to  desire.  The  phraseology  of  the  passage, 
though  the  thought  is  somewhat  different,  may  possibly  have  been 
suggested  by  Tac.,  Ann.  vi,  6:  "  neque  frustra  praestantissimus 
sapientiae  firmare  solitus  est,  si  recludantur  tyrranorum  mentes,  posse 
aspici  laniatus  et  ictus,  quando  ut  corpora  verberibus,  ita  saevitia, 
libidine,  mails  consultis,  animus  dilaceretur."  The  classical  poets 
occasionally  referred  to  the  lash  as  an  incitement  to  love  ;  see  Reit- 
zenstein,  Horaz  und  die  Hellenistische  Lyrik,  Neut  Jahrbucher  fur 
das  Kl.  Altertum,  xxi,  92.  I  owe  this  reference  to  Professor  Pres- 
cott  of  the  University  of  Chicago. 

See  a  curious  passage  in  Drayton's  Polyoliion,  xm,  184  : 
This  man,  that  is  alone  a  King  in  his  desire, 
By  no  proud  ignorant  lord  is  basely  over-aw'd, 
Nor  his  false  praise  affects,  who  grossly  being  claw'd, 
Stands  like  an  itchy  moyle. 


218 

And  Webster,  The  White  Devil: 

Though  it  be  very  lechery  unto  thee, 
Do't  with  a  crabbed  politician's  face. 

Heine,  in  Die  Romantitche  Schule,  Book  i,  hat  an  interesting  par- 
allel :  "  Oder  etwa,  wie  grcise  Liistlinge  durch  Rutenstreiche  das 
erschlaffte  Fleisch  zu  neuer  Genussfahigkeit  aufreizen:  wollte  das 
alternde  Rom  sich  monchisch  geisseln  lasscn,  um  raffinierte  Ge- 
niisse  in  der  Qual  selbst  und  die  Wollust  im  Schmerze  zu  finden  ?  " 

47,  161.  Flattery  is  midwife.  Tyrannis  fere  oritur  tx 
nimia  procerum  adu/atione,  in  principem.  Arist[ote\a]  Po/[itica] 
lib.  J.  ca.  to.  II.  et  Delatorum  auctoritate.  Lege  Tac.  Die.  Suet. 
Tib.  per  totum.  Sub  quo  decreta  accutatoribus  fraecifua  fraemia. 
fid.  Butt.  Tib.  cap.  6/&f£n[ecae]  Beaefi.  lib.  3.  cap.  16.  [Ap- 
parently this  is  a  misprint  for  z6  ,  1  6  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
case,  being  concerned  mainly  with  the  frequency  of  divorce.  For  26 
see  under  133,  57.] 

47,  167.  Palace-rattes.  Tineat,  Soricesque  Palatii  vocat 
iitos  Sext.  ^«r«/[ianus]  Victor.  [De  Vtta  et  Mori  but  Imp.  Rom. 
xu,  jo]et  Tac.  hiit.  //'.  /.  fag.  233  qui  ucretii  criminationibui  in- 

mant  ignarum,  &  quo  incautior  deciperctur,  palam  laudatum,  &c. 


47,  173-4-    It  is  not  safe.  Perhaps  a  reminiscence  of  Hor., 
Sat.  ii,  i,  18-9  : 

nisi  dextro  tempore,  Flacci 
verba  per  attentam  non  ibunt  Caesaris  aurem. 

or  Tac.,  Hist.,  in,  56  :  "  ita  formatis  principis  [Vitellii]  auribus,  ut 
aspere  quae  utilia,  necquicquam  nisi  iucundumetlaesurumacciperet." 

48,  181.  have  instructed.   Vtd.  Suet.  Tib.ca.  29.  [Tibe- 
rius, addressing  the  senate,  says  that  a  prince,  "  quem  vos  tanta  et 
tarn  libera  potestate  instruxistis,  senatui  servire  debere  et  universis 
civibus  saepe,  et  plerumque  etiam  singulis  j   neque  id  dixisse  me 
paenitet,  et  bonos  et  aequos  et  faventes  vos  habui  dominos  et  adhuc 
habeo."]  et  Dio.  hia.    Rom.  lib.  57.  pa.  696.  [7]    According  to 
Whalley,  Seward  and  Theobald  wished  to  read  "intrusted"  for 
"  instructed." 

48,  194.  Yet,  for  the  sute  of  Spaine.  Toe.  Ann.  lib. 
4-  PaK-  ^4.  &  8$.  [37,  38.    The  whole  speech  of  Tiberius,  from 


219 

this  point  to  243,  is  little  else  than  a  fairly  close  translation  of  these 
two  chapters,  which  are  perhaps  too  long  to  quote.] 

48,  195  if.  In  honour  of  our  mother,  and  our  selfe. 
The  principles  of  Roman  religion  were  consistent  with  a  belief  in  the 
divinity  of  the  emperor,  who  was  often  deified  by  a  formal  act  of 
the  Senate  after  his  death,  comparable  in  a  measure  to  canonization 
(Boissier).    With  his  consent,  such  deification  might  take  place  be- 
forehand, and  temples  might  be  erected  in  Italy  or  the  provinces  to 
his  worship.    Important  members  of  the  royal  family  and  powerful 
favorites   might  also  be   regarded  as  divine  in  essence}  see  139, 
175-9,  "7-31  >  IS5»  3*-4°  j   158,  9*»  etc- 

Such  flattery  was  largely  sincere,  but  a  wide  door  was  open  for  the 
grossest  insincerity.  Private  persons  often  professed  to  regard  the  ob- 
ject of  their  attentions  as  a  god,  swore  by  his  Fortune,  and  on  occa- 
sion erected  his  image  among  their  household  deities.  Men  of  the 
humblest  social  origin,  if  they  acquired  wealth  and  power,  were  thus 
flattered  unofficially,  even  by  nobles  of  the  highest  rank.  The  wor- 
ship of  Sejanus  was  of  this  unofficial  character.  (See  Boissier,  La 
Religion  Romaine,  I,  109  ff". ;  Friedlaender,  i,  101—2,111,  545,  and 
Arist.,  RAet.,  I,  5,  who  mentions  sacrifices  among  "the  elements 
of  honour.") 

49,  205.  all  his  deedes,  and  wordes  observ'd.  A 

marked  feature  of  Tiberius'  policy  was  his  careful  observance  of 
the  deeds  and  words  of  Augustus.  Augustus,  moreover,  left  behind 
a  "  libellus  "  (Tac.,  Ann.  i,  u),  in  which  he  was  said  to  have  laid 
down  rules  for  the  guidance  of  his  successors,  and  there  may  be  here 
an  oblique  reference  to  that  document. 

Cons.  Strab[onem]  lib.  6.  de  Tib.  [ch.  iv,  2  :  "  and  which  his 
son  Tiberius,  who  has  succeeded  him,  still  maintains,  who  takes  his 
father  for  a  pattern  in  his  government  and  ordinances."  Bohn's 
Lib.  translation,  i,  441.] 

50,  243.  The  Oracles  are  ceas'd.  "  The  poet  with  great 
judgment  lays  hold  on  the  common  opinion  of  the  cessation  of  ora- 
cles about  this  time,  and  turns  it  to  a  very  artful  piece  of  flattery. 
The  fact  may  be  false,  but  the  received  notions  of  Jonson's  age  suf- 
ficiently justify  the  application. ' '   Whalley.  Jonson's  own  belief  was 
doubtless  that  of  his  friend,  the  great  lawyer  Selden,  Tabletalk,  xcv  : 
"  Oracles  ceased  presently  after  Christ,  as  soon  as  nobody  believed 


220  p.otrs 

them.  Just  as  we  have  no  Fortune-tellers,  nor  Wise-men,  when 
nobody  cares  for  them.  Sometime  you  have  a  Season  for  them,  when 
People  believe  them,  and  neither  of  these,  I  conceive,  wrought  by 
the  Devil." 

50,  14  5-  Open:  compare  "quid  apertius?  "  Juv.,  Sat.  iv,  69. 
W  halley  notes  that  Se ward  wished  to  omit  the  comma  after  ' '  gone  ' ' 
and  change  "  felt  "  to  "  fleet "  ! 

50,  248.   Antium  :  modem  Porto  d'Anxio,  on  the  seacoast 
somewhat  to  the  south  of  Rome. 

theguift.  Tac.  [Ann.]//£.j.  fag.  71.  [71.  This  gift  was  a 
statue  of  Fortuna  Equestris  given  by  the  Equites  Romani.  The  statue 
was  not  placed  in  Rome,  because,  though  there  were  there  many 
temples  to  Fortune,  there  was  none  to  her  as  Fortuna  Equestris.  ] 

51,  149.    Vow'd  tO  the  goddesse.  Fortuna  touearii.  ibid. 
51!  2SJ-   grant  to   Lepldus.    Tac.  ibid.  [71]  "Grant" 

means  permission.  Marcus  Lepidus  asked,  A.  D.  ax,  permission  of 
the  Seriate  to  restore,  at  his  own  expense,  the  Basilica  Pauli,  built  by 
his  grandfather,  L.  Aemilius  Lepidus.  The  restoration  of  a  public 
monument  was  a  recognized  way  by  which  a  Roman  citizen  might 
deserve  well  of  his  country. 

51,  254.  Their  grace  too.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  j.  pa.  70.  [69] 

51,  255.  Cithera  :  Jonson  seems  to  have  made  a  slight  mis- 
take. C.  Silanus,  convicted  of  plundering  the  province  of  Asia,  A.  D. 
22,  had  been  first  sentenced  to  the  island  of  Gyaros,  one  of  the 
Cyclades,  then,  at  the  suit  of  his  religious  sister  (a  vestal  virgin, 
"  priscae  sanctimoniae  virginem,"  Tac.  Ann.  in,  69),  transferred 
to  Cythnus,  another  island  of  the  same  group.  Cythera  is  situated 
at  the  foot  of  the  Peloponnesus  and  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
Cyclades. 

51,  256.  his  religious  sister.  Torquata  virgo  vtuaJh, 
cujut  memoriam  tervat  marmor  Romae.  vid.  /.i/>[sii]  comment,  in 
Tacit,  [in,  69.] 

51,  258.  decreed  To  our  Sejanus.  Tac.  Ann.  /it.j.fa. 

7'-  [7»] 

51,  260.  Pompei's  theatre:  erected  by  Pompey  on  his 
return  from  the  Pontic  War.  It  was  burned  under  Tiberius,  A.  D. 
12,  rebuilt  under  Caligula,  and  finally  destroyed  by  the  Visigoths. 

51,  268.  Blush  not,  Sejanus,  thou  great  aide  of 
Rome.  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  4.  fag.  74.  fb.  [i,  2,  7] 


221 

52,  276  ff.  Nor  let  them  aske.  See  the  speech  of  M. 
Terentius,  defending  himself  in  the  Senate  on  the  charge  of  com- 
plicity in  the  conspiracy  of  Sejanus,  Tac.,  Ann.,  vi,  8  :  "  non  est 
nostrum  aestimare,  quern  supra  ceteros  et  quibus  de  causis  extollas  : 
tibi  summum  rerum  iudicium  di  dedere,  nobis  obsequii  gloria  relicta 
est."  See,  as  well,  Timb.,  ed.  Schelling,  40  :  "  Let  no  man  there- 
fore murmur  at  the  actions  of  the  prince,  who  is  placed  so  far  above 
him.  If  he  offend,  he  hath  his  discoverer.  God  hath  a  height  be- 
yond him." 

52,282.  Pompei's  theatre.  Vid.  &«[ecae]  conjfolationem] 
ad  Marc\iam]  cap.  22.  [decernebatur  illi  statua  in  Pompeii  theatre 
ponenda,  quod  exustum  Caesar  reficiebat.  exclamavit  Cordus  tune 
vere  theatrum  perire  .  .  .  non  rumperetur  supra  cineres  Cn.  Pom- 
peii constitui  Seianum  et  in  monumentis  maximi  imperatoris  conse- 
crari  perfidum  militem  ?] 

52,  288.  Is  my  father  mad  ?  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pag. 74. 
76.  [In  I  Tacitus  says  that  Tiberius  came  under  the  control  of  Se- 
janus, not  so  much  by  the  latter's  skill,  as  by  the  wrath  of  the  gods. 
In  7  he  shows  how  complete  was  the  control  of  Sejanus.] 

52,  292.  Statues  ?  titles  ?  honours  ?  Tac.  ibid.  [A  num- 
ber of  the  details  in  what  follows  come  from  a  speech  of  Drusus  in 
7:  "  et  quantum  superesse,  ut  collega  dicatur  [Seianus]?  primas 
dominandi  spes  in  arduo:  ubi  sis  ingressus,  adesse  studia  et  ministros 
.  .  .  precandam  post  haec  modestiam,  ut  contentus  esset."] 

S3»  3°S-  Take  that.  Tac.  scquimur,  Ann.  lib.  4.  pag.  74. 
[3]  quanquam  apud  Dionem,  &  Zonaram,  aliter  legitur.  [Dio,  57, 
14;  57,  22.  In  14,  Dio  says  that  Drusus  was  "so  prone  to  anger 
that  he  inflicted  blows  upon  a  distinguished  knight,  and  for  this 
exploit  he  obtained  the  name  of  Castor."  In  22,  however,  he  says 
that  Sejanus  struck  Drusus  a  blow  with  his  fist,  and  then,  fearing 
vengeance,  plotted  against  him.  Tacitus  says  that  Drusus  struck 
Sejanus  in  a  chance  quarrel.  Zonaras  is  merely  an  abridger  of  Dio, 
and  no  authority.] 

54,  311.  on  the  CroSSe.  Servile  (apud  Romanes)  et  igno- 
miniosissimum  mortis  genus  erat  tupplicium  crucis,  ut  ex  £w[io]  if  so 
Tac.  Dio.  &  omnibus  fere  antiyuis,  praesertim  historicis  constet.  vid. 
P/a«r[um]  in  Af//[es  Gloriosus]  Amptfltruo]  ^»/«[laria]  HOT  at.  lib. 
I.  Ser.  3.  [80-4]  Petr[onmm]  in  Satyrico  &  Ju-v.  Sat.  6  Pone 
crucem  servo,  &c.  [219] 


222 

54,  315.  Castor.  Sit  Druiui  ob  violtntiam  cognominatui. 
viJ.  Die.  Hia.  Rom.  lib.  57.  fag.  foi.  [See  under  305  above. 
Foster,  in  his  translation  of  Dio,  points  out  that  this  Castor  was  a 
famous  gladiator  of  the  time,  and  refers  to  Horace,  Efiit.,  i,  18, 
19.  But  Jonson  undoubtedly  had  the  god  in  mind,  not  the  gladi- 
ator.] 

54,  3i6ff.    He  that.   From  Seneca,  Medea,  i$off. : 

Sile,  obsecro,  quest  usque  sccreto  abditos 
manda  dolori.  gravia  quisque  vulnera 
ptiente  et  aequo  mutus  animo  pertulit, 
referre  potuit  :  ira  quac  tegitur  nocet ; 
professa  perdunt  odia  vindictae  locum. 

55,  Act  II.    Scene  I.   A  very  fine  criticism  of  this  scene 
b  to  be  found  in  Taine,  Hiitoirt  tie  la  Litter ature  Anglaiu,  n,  3, 
but  it  is  too  long  to  quote  here. 

55,  5.  like  :  the  word  bears  here  the  meaning  of  equal,  equi- 
valent, and  is  an  adjective,  not  a  preposition  j  the  punctuation  is 
misleading. 

55,  9.    potion,    yid.   Toe.  Ann.  lib.  4.    fag.  74.  ft.  [3,  8] 

55,  n.    Lygdus.    Tac.  ibid. 

56,  17.  free  accesse,  and  trust.  Seneca,  Oedipui,  686: 

Aditum  nocendi  perfido  praestat  fides. 

56,  24.  Send  him  to  me.  Sptdonn  animum  ttupro  devin- 
xit,  Tac.  ibid,  [iv,  10:  is  [Lygdus]  aetate  atque  forma  carus  dom- 
ino interque  primores  ministros  erat. ] 

56,  31  ff.  I  protest  My  selfe  through  rarefied.  Sae- 

gelken,  37,  note*  Jonson's  fashion  of  sustaining  a  metaphor  through 
a  long  passage;  cfT  158,  72  ff.  In  Timb.  63-4,  Jonson  himself 
remarks  :  "  yuintilian  warns  us,  that  in  no  kind  of  translation,  or 
metaphor,  or  allegory,  we  make  a  turn  from  what  we  began  ;  as 
if  we  fetch  the  original  of  our  metaphor  from  sea  and  billows,  we 
end  not  in  flames  and  ashes:  it  is  a  most  foul  inconsequence." 
I  think  few  mixed  metaphors  will  be  found  in  Jonson,  at  least 
where  not  demanded  by  characterization. 

57,  36.  Bright,  as  the  Moone.  Hor.,  Odet,  i,  12,  46-8: 

micat  inter  omnes 

lulium  sidus  velut  inter  ignes 

luna  minores. 


223 

•     57,  42.    Agrippina's.    Germanici  uxor. 

58,  60  ff.  This  same  fucus.  Compare  with  this  The  Devil 
is  an  Ass,  iv,  i,  where  we  have  a  discussion  of  various  kinds  of  fu- 
cuses,  or  washes  for  the  face.  The  topic  was  one  of  which  Jonson 
was  very  fond,  more  especially  as  cosmetics  were  perhaps  more  freely 
used  by  both  sexes  in  the  1 6th  century  than  ever  before.  See  the 
interesting  note  to  in,  ii,  of  The  Maid's  Revenge,  in  Dyce's  edition 
of  Shirley.  "  The  frequent  mention  offucuses,  cerusses,  and  other 
cosmetics  by  our  old  dramatists,  shews  how  much  they  were  used 
in  their  times ;  that  they  were  often  composed  of  the  most  danger- 
ous and  deleterious  ingredients  is  sufficiently  proved  by  the  numer- 
ous recipes  for  their  composition  to  be  found  in  the  manuals  compiled 
for  the  instruction  of  the  housewifes  and  ladies  of  fashion  of  those 
days  :  the  following  extract  affords  a  tolerable  specimen.  '  Another 
mineral  fucus  for  the  face.  Incorporate  with  a  wooden  pestle,  and 
in  a  wooden  mortar,  with  great  labour,  four  ounces  of  sublimate,  and 
one  ounce  of  crude  mercury,  at  the  least  six  or  eight  houres  (you 
cannot  bestow  too  much  labour  herein):  then,  with  often  change 
of  cold  water,  by  ablution  in  a  glass,  take  away  the  salts  from  the 
sublimate :  change  your  water  twice  every  day  at  the  least,  and  in 
seven  or  eight  days  (the  more  the  better)  it  will  be  dulcified,  and 
then  it  is  prepared  ;  lay  it  on  with  the  oile  of  white  poppy.'  De- 
lights for  Ladies  to  adorne  their  Persons,  Tables,  &c.  &c.  by  H. 
Platt,  1628." 

58,  63.    ceruse.    Cerussa   (apud  Romanes)   inter  fctitios  col- 
ores  erat,  et  yuae  salem  ob  calorem  timtbat.  -vid.  Mar.  lib.  2.  Epig. 
41: 

Quam  cretata  timet  Fabulla  nimbum, 
Cerussata  timet  Sabella  solem. 

59,  85.   his  'wife.     Ex  qua  tres  liberos  genuerat,  ne  pellici 
suspectaretur.    Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pag.  74.   [3]   Divorce,  well-nigh 
unheard-of  in  the  earlier  republic,  became  extremely  common  in  the 
later  and  in  the  empire.   The  husband  had  practically  unlimited  priv- 
ileges in  the  matter,  divorce  as  far  as  he  was  concerned  being  purely 
a  question  of  his  will  and  of  his  ability  to  return  the  dowry  ;  but 
women  also  were  given  remarkable  freedom. 

59,  89.  discoverie  Of  all  his  councels.  Leg.  Tac.  Ann. 

Lib.  4.  p.  jt>.  [7  ;  et  secreta  quoque  eius  [DrusiJ  corrupta  uxore 
prodebantur.] 


224 

60,  108.  so  prepare  the  poyson.  Tac.  ibid.  [8 :  igitur 

Seianus  maturandum  ratus  dcligit  venenum,  quo  pauladm  iorepente 
fortuitu*  morbus  adsimiluretur.J  et  Dion.  Hitt.  Rom.  lib.  57.  fag. 

709-  ["] 

62,  1 34.  choller  :  according  to  old  notions  of  physiology, 
the  choler,  or  bile,  was  one  of  the  four  primary  humors,  or  bodily 
fluids  ;  its  predominance  in  the  bodily  constitution  was  supposed  to 
be  the  cause  of  a  passionate  disposition,  whence  the  word  came  also 
to  mean  anger.  That  is  of  course  not  quite  the  sense  in  which  it  is 
here  employed. 

62,  2.  ./Egyptian  slaves.  Hi  apud  Romanes  barbari,  & 
viliuimi  aestimab.  Juven.  Marti.  &c.  [See  Friedlaender,  Sitten- 
gttckichtt  Rums,  i,  225-234;  in,  609,  625.  Perhaps  some  of  the 
passages  Jonson  had  in  mind  are  the  following  :  Mart.,  x,  76 ;  xn, 
57.  Juv.,  i,  26,  130;  iv,  24.  Tac.,  Hitt.,  v,  4  5,  8.] 

62,  12  fT.  Adultery  ?  it  is  the  lightest  ill.  On  our  mod- 
ern stage  lines  like  these  would  be  possible  only  in  the  crudest  melo- 
drama, but  in  the  Elizabethan  period  it  was  almost  a  stage  conven- 
tion that  the  villain  should  gloat  over  his  crimes,  whether  past  or  to 
come,  in  much  this  fashion.  Catiline  does  the  like,  HI,  iii,  ad  fin.: 

The  cruelty  I  mean  to  act,  I  wish 

Should  be  call'd  mine,  and  tarry  in  my  name; 

Whilst  after-ages  do  toil  out  themselves 

In  thinking  for  the  like,  but  do  it  less  : 

And  were  the  power  of  all  the  fiends  let  loose, 

With  fate  to  boot,  it  should  be  still  example, 

When,  what  the  Gaul  or  Moor  could  not  effect, 

Nor  emulous  Carthage,  with  their  length  of  spight, 

Shall  be  the  work  of  one,  and  that  MY  night. 

Compare  Barabas  in  Tht  Jew  of  Malta,  n ;  Richard  III,  i,  i, 
14-40  ;  Revenger' i  Tragedy,  i,  ii,  end  of  scene  ;  Aaron  in  Titut 
Andrenicui  ;  for  the  Restoration  period,  see  Chase,  Englitk 
Heroic  Play,  pp.  67,  70.  The  influence  of  Seneca  is  partly  respon- 
sible for  the  practice,  see  Med.,  893  ff. ,  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that 
Jonson  is  after  all  in  this  passage  merely  expanding  a  hint  given  by 
that  writer;  see  below.  Coleridge  was  shocked  by  this  speech, 
which  he  calls  "  absurd  rant  and  ventriloquism."  Worki,  iv,  190. 


225 

63,  15  ff.  which  no  posterity.  Sen.,  Thyestes,  192: 

Age,  anime,  fac  quod  nulla  posteritas  probet, 
Sed  nulla  taceat:  aliquod  audendum  est  nefas 
Atrox,  cruentum  ;  tale  quod  frater  meus 
Suum  esse  malit  [mallet  in  Leo's  text].  Whalley. 

Cunliffe,  in  his  Influence  of  Seneca  on  the  Elizabethan  Drama,  notes 
that  11.  25-7,  44-7,  of  the  same  play  are  also  utilized  by  Jonson. 
The  thought  of  1 5-6  is  not  uncommon :  Seneca  uses  it  again  in 
Mcd.,  423—4,  and  it  occurs  several  times  in  the  second  act  of  Fulke 
Greville's  Alaham,  as  well  as  in  The  Misfortunes  of  Arthur t  i,  i. 
Lines  17-18  are  paralleled  in  Cat.,  i,  i: 

Whilst  what  you  do  may  strike  them  into  fears, 
Or  make  them  grieve,  and  wish  your  mischief  theirs. 
And  again  in  the  same  act  of  Alaham ;  see  also  i,  ii,  of  The  Mis- 
fortunes of  Arthur. 

63,  22-4.  Tell  proud  Jove.  Compare  145,  22-3;  155, 
25  ff.  ;  159,  94-S;  l66,  124  ff.  These  passages  are  not  as  absurd 
as  they  at  first  seem  to  a  modern  ear,  see  note  on  48,  195  ff  If  we 
wish,  we  may  adopt  the  prosaic  explanation  that  Sejanus,  not  be- 
lieving in  the  gods,  felt  himself  at  liberty  to  say  what  he  chose 
about  them.  But  antiquity,  which  took  seriously  the  legend  of  Sal- 
moneus,  would  have  seen  nothing  ridiculous,  however  horrifying, 
in  such  boasts.  One  might  note  in  passing  that  not  the  least  inter- 
esting part  of  Marlowe's  Tamburlaine  is  that  in  which  the  hero 
first  realizes  that  Death  is  his  superior.  Moreover,  a  belief  in  one's 
star  needs  only  a  confusion  of  ideas  to  be  converted  into  a  belief  in 
equivalence  with  the  divine. 

Such  passages  appear  in  Restoration  tragedy  also  (Chase,  u.  s. , 
173),  but  there  one  can  hardly  accept  them  as  anything  but  clap- 
trap. 

63,  24.  "TwaS  Onely  feare.  Idem  &  Petro.  Arbiter.  Sa- 
fy[ricon.  See  Fragment  xxvn  in  Buecheler's  edition,  p.  114, 
primes  in  orbe  deos  fecit  timor]  &  Statius,  [Thebais]  lib.  j.  [66 1, 
where  the  same  words  occur.] 

63,  27.  Sit  downe,  my  comfort.  DC  hoc  consultation,  -vid. 
Suet.  Tib.  cap.  55.  [The  reference  is  misleading.  Suetonius  says 
nothing  about  any  particular  interview,  but  merely  that  in  addition 


226 

to  his  old  friends  Tiberius  selected  as  counselor*  twenty  of  the 
principal  men,  of  whom  hardly  two  or  three  came  safely  through 
his  reign  ;  of  those  who  fell,  Sejanus  made  the  most  noise.  Per- 
haps Jonson  had  in  mind  Suetonius'  comment,  that  Tiberius  se- 
lected Sejanus  as  counselor  "  non  tarn  benivolentia  .  .  .  quam  ut 
esset  cuius  ministerio  ac  fraudibus  liberos  Germanic!  circunu  cnirrt, 
nepotemque  suum  ex  Druso  filio  naturalem  ad  successionem  im- 
perii  confirmaret."] 

63,  32  ff.  That  nature.  Cf.  Sen.,  Thytit.,  i^ff.: 

sltr.   Ubicumque  tantum  honesta  dominant!  licent, 

prccario  regnatur.    Sat.  Ubi  non  est  pudor 

nee  cura  iuris  sanctitas  pietas  fides, 

instabile  regnum  cat.   Atr.  Sanctitas  pietas  fides 

privata  bona  sunt. 

64,  34-5-  The  rest  of  poore  respects.  Compare  Mach., 

//  Principe,  cap.  xv:  "Ed  ancora  non  si  curi  d'incorrere  nelT 
infamia  di  quelli  vizi,  senza  i  quali  potsa  difficilmcnte  sal vare  lo  stato : 
perche,  se  si  considera  ben  tutto,  si  trovera  qualche  cosa  che  parra 
virtu,  e  seguendola  sarebbe  la  rovina  sua  ;  cqualcun'  altra  che  parra 
rizio,  e  seguendola  ne  resulta  la  sicurta,  ed  it  ben  essere  suo. " 

A  glance  at  the  sources  utilized  by  Jonson  in  this  scene  well  illus- 
trates the  statement  some  one  has  made  that  Machiavelli  was  by  no 
means  the  inventor  of  ''Machiavellianism."  See,  for  example, 
Arist. ,  Politics,  v,  1 1 ,  to  which  Jonson  elsewhere  refers,  and  com- 
pare Boissier's  remarks,  Tacite,  181-3,  on  the  Renaissance  use  of 
Tacitus  as  a  political  manual. 

64,36-7  Whom  hatred  frights.  Sen.,  PAotnituu,  654(^1 
Regnare  non  vult  esse  qui  invisus  timer, 
simul  ista  mundi  conditor  posuit  deus, 
odium  atque  regnum  :  regis  hoc  magni  reor, 
odia  ipsa  premere.  multa  dominantem  vetat 
amor  suorum;  plus  in  iratos  licet, 
qui  vult  amari,  languida  regnat  manu. 

Note  the  rhymes  ;  it  was  customary  to  set  off  "  sentences,"  that 
is,  pithy  general  statements  having  a  moral  or  philosophical  bearing, 
in  this  way,  though  sometimes,  as  in  47,  161  ff.,  quotation  marks 
are  employed. 


227 

See  Beaumont  and  Fletcher,  Prophetess,  v,  ii: 

Nearness  of  blood, 
Respect  of  piety,  and  thankfulness, 
And  all  the  holy  dreams  of  virtuous  fools, 
Must  vanish  into  nothing,  when  Ambition 
(The  maker  of  great  minds,  and  nurse  of  honour) 
Puts  in  for  empire. 

64,  40-47.  The  prince,  who  shames.  Sen.,  Hercules 

Furens,  352-3  : 

invidia  factum  ac  sermo  popularis  premet  ? 
ars  prima  regni  est  posse  invidiam  pad. 
Luc.,  Phars.,  vin,  489  ff.  : 

sceptrorum  uis  tola  perit,  si  pendere  iusta 
incipit:  euertitque  arces  respectus  honesti. 
libertas  scelerum  est  quae  regna  invisa  tuetur, 
sublatusque  modus  gladiis.  facere  omnia  saeue 
non  impune  licet,  nisi  cum  facis.  exeat  aula 
qui  uolt  esse  pius.  uirtus  et  summa  potestas 
non  coeunt :  semper  metuet  quern  saeua  pudebunt. 
It  is  also  worth  while  noting  Seneca,  ibid.,  342-4,  400  ff.,  and 

Beaumont  and  Fletcher,  False  One,  i,  i: 

All  the  power, 

Prerogative  and  greatness  of  a  prince 
Is  lost,  if  he  descend  once  but  to  steer 
His  course,  as  what's  right  guides  him.   Let  him  leave 
The  sceptre,  that  strives  only  to  be  good, 
Since  kingdoms  are  maintained  by  force  and  blood. 
Likewise  a  speech  of  Mordred  in  i,  4,  of  The  Misfortunes  of 

Arthur. 

64,  48-9.  Yet  so,  we  may  doe  all  things  cruelly, 

not  safely.   Compare  Jonson's  fragment,  The  Fall  of  Mortimer : 
But  I,  who  am  no  common-council-man, 
Knew  injuries  of  that  dark  nature  done, 
Were  to  be  thoroughly  done,  and  not  be  left 
To  fear  of  a  revenge  ;  they  are  light  offences 
Which  admit  that :  the  great  ones  get  above  it ; 
where  there  is  a  striking  resemblance  to  Mach. ,  //  Principe,  cap.  in: 
"  Perche  si  ha  a  notare,  che  gli  uomini  si  debbono  o  vezzeggiare  o 


228  P.0tf6 

spegnere ;  perche  li  vendicano  dellc  leggier!  offese  ;  delle  gravi  non 
possono  :  sicchc  1'ofiesa  che  si  fa  aH'uomo,  deveessere  in  modoche 
la  non  tetna  la  vendetta." 

65,  52.   Agrippina.    Dt  Agrip.  vid.  Dio.   Hitt.  Rom.  lib. 

57-  fg-  <*)4-  [6] 

65,  53-  Proud  ?  dangerous,  Caesar.  Dt  Sejani comil [io] 

in  y^r;^)[pinam]  leg.  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  I.  fag.  23.  [69.  Agrippina 
had  irritated  Tiberius  by  being  instrumental  in  the  suppression  of 
a  mutiny,  and  Sejanus  seizes  the  opportunity  to  increase  the  ill-feel- 
ing of  the  emperor.]  &  lib.  4.  fag.  77.  [12:  igitur  contumaciam 
eius  insectari,  retus  Augustae  odium,  recentem  Liviae  conscientiam 
exagitare,  ut  superbam  fecunditate  [see  88],  subnixam  popularibus 
studiis  inhiare  dominationi  [see  121 J  apud  Caesarem  arguerent.  ]  79. 
[17,  i8]J<  Tib.  jus/>[icionibus]  lib 3.  pa.  52,  [4:  nihil  tamen 
Tiberium  magis  penetravit  quam  studia  hominum  accensa  in  Agrip- 
pinam,  cum  decus  patriae,  solum  August!  sanguinem,  unicum  antiqui- 
tatis  specimen  appellarent  versique  ad  caelum  ac  deos  integram  illi 
subolem  ac  superstitem  iniquorum  precarentur.  See  11.  80  ff.] 

^5>  54-5-  Germanicus  Lives  .  .  .  t'  upbraide  us. 
Gnaris  omnibus  lattam  Tiberio  Germanici  mortem  male  ditsimulari. 
Toe.  lib.  j.  ibid.  [2]  Hue  confer  Taciti  »tfrr<j/[ionem]  dt  mortt 
Pisonit.  fag.  55.  [15]  &  lib,  4.  peg.  14.  [l]  Germanici  mortem 
inter  f  rot f  era  ducebat. 

65,  60.  It  is  not  safe.  Cf.  Arist.,  Rhet.,  i,  15:  "  If  one  is 
advocating  the  slaughter  of  the  children  whose  parents  have  been 
already  slain,  one  can  appeal  to  ...  another  proverb,  '  Fool  he 
who  slay*  the  sire  and  spares  the  son.'  "  (Welldon's  translation.) 
Machiavelli,  in  his  chapter  on  Conspiracies  in  Ditcorii,  book  HI, 
elaborates  the  principle  involved. 

65,  68-9.  none  swiftlier  are  opprest.  See  Veil.  Pater., 
ii,  cxviii:   "  Arminius  .  .   .   haud  imprudenter  speculatus  neminem 
celerius  opprimt  quam  qui  nihil  timeret,  et  frequcntissimum  initium 
esse  calamitatis  securitatem. " 

66,  7 '•    All  power's  to  be  fear'd,  where  'tis  too 
much.  Tac. ,  Hiit.t  ii,  92:  "  nee  urnquam  satis  ftda  potentia,  ubi 
nimia  est." 

66,  73.  male-spirited  dame.   Dt  ani[mo\virili  Agrip. 

contul.   Tacit.   Ann.  lib.  t.  fag.  12.  [33  :   Atque  ipsa  Agrippina 


229 

paulo  commotior,  nisi  quod  castitate  et  mariti  amore  quamvis  in- 
domitum  animum  in  bonum  vertebat.]  &  22.  [69]  lib.  2.  pa.  47. 
[75.  These  two  citations  illustrate  her  intrepidity.] 

66,  74.  slackes  no  meanes.  Cunningham  quotes,  "Slack 

not  the  good  presage,"  from  book  v  of  Dryden's  translation  of  the 
./&»«</ [8  3  4]. 

66,  77.  like  praiers,  like  vowes.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4. 
fa.  79.  [17] 

66,  82.  ReguhlS.  This  Regulus  is  of  course  not  the  Regulus 
of  the  play,  P.  Mummius  Regulus,  consul  A.  D.  31,  but  appar- 
ently Livineius  Regulus,  mentioned  by  Tac. ,  Ann. ,  in,  1 1.  Furnius 
is  the  Furnius  with  whom  Claudia  Pulchra,  see  119,  21-2,  wa» 
accused  of  committing  adultery,  among  other  crimes.  Both  were 
condemned. 

66,  85.  Whose  niece  she  was.  Erat  enim  Neptis  Au- 
gutti.  Agrippac,  &  Juliaejilia,  Germanic!  uxor.  Suet.  Aug.  cap. 
64.  Niece  is  here  used  in  the  older  sense  of  granddaughter. 

66,  88.     her    fruitfulnesse.    De  faecunditate    cjus.    vij. 
Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  2.  fag.  gq.    [43 :  et  coniunx  Germanici  Agrip- 
pina  fecunditate  ac  fama  Liviam  uxorem  Drusi  praecellebat.  ]    & 
lib.  4.  pa.  77.    [12.   See  219  below.] 

67,  96.    competitors.    The   Roman   Principate  was  theo- 
retically to  a  certain  extent  elective,  though  actually  it  often  proved 
to  be  hereditary.   The  emperor  might  designate  his  successor,  who 
was  usually  his  son,  if  he  had  a  son,  but  need  not  be.    In  the  pre- 
sent case,  Tiberius  had  not  formally  nominated  his  successor,  and 
all  the   possible  nominees  were  strictly  competitors.   The  sons  of 
Germanicus  are  accused  of  each  attempting  to  secure  for  himself  an 
undue  advantage.    Later,  successful  rebellion  often  raised  this  or 
that  man  to  the  throne,  without  apparent  violation  of  the  principle, 
since  it  was  easy  to  regard  successful  rebellion  as  a  species  of  elec- 
tion. 

67,  98.  with  hope  Of  future  freedome.  Displicere  reg- 

nantibus  ci-vilia  JUiorum  ingenia :  neque  oh  aliud  interceptos,  quam 
quia  Po/>[ulum]  Rom.  aequo  jure  complccti,  reddita  libertate,  agi- 
ta-verint.  Not\i\  Tacit,  lib.  2.  Ann.  pag  49.  [82] 

With  the  parenthetical  expression,  compare  Timb.,  ed.  Schell- 
ing,  pp.  15-6:  "  Vulgi  expectatio. — Expectation  of  the  vulgar 


230  .notes 

is  more  drawn  and  held  with  newness  than  goodness ;  we  see  it  in 
fencers,  in  players,  in  poets,  in  preachers,  in  all  where  fame  pro- 
miseth  anything  ;  so  it  be  new,  though  never  so  naught  and  depraved, 
they  run  to  it,  and  are  taken.  Which  shews,  that  the  only  decay 
or  hurt  of  the  best  men's  reputation  with  the  people  'is,  their  wits 
have  outlived  the  people's  palates.  They  have  been  too  much  or  too 
long  a  feast."  And  ChalkhilTs  Tktalma  and  Clearchui,  2x58-9  : 

As  thirsting  after  novelty,  the  thing 

That  tickles  the  rude  vulgar.  • 

The  observation,  coeval  with  humanity  and  employed  by  writers 
innumerable,  has  not  yet  lost  point,  cf.  Lecky,  Democracy  and  Lib- 

er'y>  «»  44- 

67,  1 06.    We  will  command.    Vid.  Suet.  Tit  cap.  34. 
[sed  ut  comperit,  ineunte  anno  pro  eorum  [filiorum  Germanic!] 
quoque  salute   publice  vota   suscepta,  egit  cum  senatu,  non  debere 
talia  praemia  tribui  nisi  ezpertis  et  aetate  provectis.] 

68,  izo-iii.    then   offenders  found.    Gifford  quotes, 

slightly  inaccurately,  Juv.,  Sat.  vi,  284-5  : 

nihil  est  audacius  illis 
deprensis  ;  iram  et  animos  a  crimine  sumunt. 

68,  124-6.  Give  'hem  more  place.    Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4. 
fag.  76.  79.   [In  8  Nero  and  Dnisus  jr.  are  presented  to  the  sen- 
ate, in  1 8  Silius  is  attacked.   These  incidents  are  of  course  drama- 
tized in  in,  i.] 

69,  135.  wolves  do  change  their  haire.   Proverbial, 

cf.  vulpem  pilum  mutare,  non  mores,  Suet.  Pespatianus,  1 6.  Cf. 
German:  der  Fuchs  wechselt  den  Balg  und  blcibt  ein  Schalk. 

69,  >36~7-  While  thus  your  thought.  Tac.,  Hia.t  HI, 
40:  "  mox  utrumque  consilium  aspernatus,  quod  inter  ancipitia  de- 
terrimum  est,  dum  media  sequitur,  nee  ausus  est  satis  nee  providit." 

69,  139-140.  The  subject  is  no  lesse,  etc.  Sen., 
%«/.,  105-7: 

maximum  hoc  regni  bonum  est, 
quod  facta  domini  cogitur  populus  sui 
tarn  ferre  quam  laudare. 
Also  made  use  of  in  The  Mitfortuntt  of  Arthur ,  u,  ii. 

69,  140.  W^e  Can  no  longer.  Tibtrium  variii  artibut  dt- 
•vinxil  adto  (Sejanui)  ut  obtcurum  advtrium  ali»tt  tibi  uni  incau- 


231 

turn,  intectumque  efficeret.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pa.  74.  \\~\-vid.  Dio. 
Hist.  Rom.  lib.  57.  fag.  707.  [19] 

69,  142.  Thy  thoughts  are  ours.  This  is  the  interpreta- 
tion of  Suetonius,  who  »ays  that  Tiberius  was  not  spurred  on  to 
cruelty  by  Sejanus,  but  that  the  minister  simply  supplied  opportun- 
ities for  the  gratification  of  his  master's  taste.  See  Tib.,  61. 

69,  146.  clickt  all  his  marble  thumb's.  Premere  pol- 

licem,  apud  Roman,  maximi  fa-voris  erat  Signum.  Hor.  ep'nt.  ad 
Lollium.  [Ep.  I,  1 8,  66]  Fautor  utroque  tuum  laudabit  pollice  lu- 
dum.  Et  Plin.  Nat.  Hist.  lib.  28.  cap.  2.  Pollices,cumfa-veamust 
premere  ctiam  provcrbio  jubcmur.  De  ;nrer^>[retatione]  loci,  "vid. 
Ang\d\\  Po/[itiani]  Afi«W/[anea]  cap.  xlii.  et  2«rn[ebi]  Ad-ver[sa.- 
riorum  libri  triginta]  lib.  xi.  cap.  vi. 

69,  150.  commanded  an  imperiall  arrnie-  Tac.  lib. 
Ann,  3.  pag.  63  [45,  46.]®"  lit.  4.  fag.  79.  [18.  Amicitia  Ger- 
manici  perniciosa  utrique  [Silio  et  Sabino],  Silio  et  quod  ingentis 
exercitus  septem  per  annos  moderator  partisque  apud  Germaniam 
triumphalibus  Sacroviriani  belli  victor,  quanto  maiore  mole  procide- 
ret,  plus  formidinisin  alios  dispergebatur.] 

69,  153.  The  ornaments  triumphall.   By  this  time  no 
triumphs  were  permitted  except  to  the  prince  himself  or  to  one  of 
his  immediate  family.   Successful  generals,  whatever  the  greatness 
of  their  services,  were  not  allowed  the  triumphal  procession,   but 
merely  the  ornaments,  namely,  the  corona  aurea,  toga  picta,  tunica 
palmata,  scipio  eburneus,  etc. 

70,  158.   Sabinus.     Tac.   ibid,   [iv,    19:    dilato    ad    tempus 
Sabino.] 

70,162.  Sosia.  Tac.  ibid.  [Erat  uxor  Silio  Sosia  Galla,  cari- 
tate  Agrippinae  invisa  principi.] 

70,  165-6.  Cremutius  Cordus.  Vid.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4. 
pag.  83.  [34]  Dio.  Hist.  Rom.  lib.  57.  pag.  710.  [24]  et  &n[ecae] 
cant,  ad  Afar[ciam]  cap.  I.  et  fusius.  cap.  22. 

70,  175  ff.  As  if  there  were  that  chaos.  Certainly  sug- 
gested by  the  words  of  Caesar  to  Metellus  in  Luc.,  Phars.,  in, 
137  ff.  : 

te  uindice  tuta  relicta  est 
libertas  ?  non  usque  adeo  permiscuit  imis 
longus  summa  dies,  ut  non,  si  uoce  Metelli 
seruentur  leges,  malint  a  Caesare  tolli. 


232 

and  compare  Can'/.,  iv,  ii : 

Cat.    He  cave  the  state  !  a  burgess*  son  of  Arpinum. 
The  gods  would  rather  twenty  Rome*  should  perish 
Than  have  that  contumely  stuck  upon  them, 
That  he  should  share  with  them  in  the  preserving 
A  shed,  or  sign-post. 

71,  184-6.  Counsels  are  unfit.  The  thought  is  not  un- 
usual, see  Luc.,  PAars.,  i,  281,  but  Jonson  has  specially  in  mind 
Tac.,  Hist.,  i,  zi :  "  Opportune*  magnis  conatibus  transit  us  rc- 
rum,  nee  cunctatione  opus,  ubi  perniciosior  quies  quam  temeritas." 
The  idea  twice  occurs  in  Caril.,  i,  i,  "  Deferring  hurts,  where 
powers  are  so  prepared,''  where  there  is  close  resemblance  to  the 
Lucan  passage, and  HI,  i,  "These  things,  when  they  proceed  not, 
they  go  backward."  For  186-7,  see  Tac.,  Hiit.,  i,  62  :  "  nihil  in 
discordiis  civilibus  festinatione  tutius,  ubi  facto  magis  quam  consulto 
opus  esset."  And  for  188-9,  ibid.t\,  38:  "  null  us  cunctationis 
locus  est  in  eo  consilio,  quod  non  potest  laudari  nisi  peractum." 

71,  190.  command  a  court.  Edicto  ut  plurimum  Sena" 
lores  in  curiam  vocatos  constat.  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  i.  fag.  j.  [7] 

71,  192.  'Ejiov.  yulgarii  y  HI  dam  -versus,  quam  saeftt  Tihtr. 
retitaut  memoratur.  Dion.  Hist.  Rom.  lib.58.J2q.  [23:  "  At  all 
events  he  is  said  to  have  often  uttered  the  ancient  saying  :  '  When 
I  am  dead,  let  Are  o'erwhelm  the  earth.'  "  The  line,  Foster  says, 
is  probably  from  the  lost  Bellerofhon  of  Euripides.] 

71,  193.   Posthumus.   Dt  Julia  Postumo,  vid.  Tacit.  Ann. 
lib.  4.  fag.  77.  [  1 2  :  atque  haec  callidis  criminatoribus,  inter  quos 
delegerat  lulium  Postumum,  per  adulterium  Mutiliae  Friscae  inter 
intimos  aviae  et  consiliis  suis  peridoneum,  quia  Prisca  in  animo  Au- 
gustae  valida  anum  suapte  natura  potentiae  anxiam  insociabilem  nu- 
rui  efficiebat.   See  210  ff.] 

71,198.  Intelligence  by  auguri*.  Compare  Catil.,iu,  5: 

Cor.  I  hope 

We  are  not  discover'  d. 

Yar.  Yes,  by  revelation  ! 

72,  204.  forgot  t'extoll.     Proximi  ^r//>[pinae]    inlirit- 
bantur  fra-vis  termonibut  tumidot  sfiritus  feritimu/art.   Tacit,  ibid. 
[IV,   !».] 


233 

72,aio.  Mutilia  Prisca.  Mutilia  Prisca,  <?uae  in  animum 
[sic]  Augustae  -valida.  Tac.  ibid.  [See  under  193  above.] 

72,  212.  Tell  the  words.  Verba  Silii  immodice  jactata. 
•vid.  apud  Ta<^  Ann.  lib.  4.  pa.  79.  [18.  See  94,  272  ff.] 

72,  217.  SO,  to  Gallus  :  that  is,  in  the  same  way,  ascribe 
words  of  malice  to  Gallus  ;  the  phrase  shows  that  in  the  preceding  line 
Arruntius  is  not  in  the  possessive  case,  as  some  editors  have  taken  it. 

72,  219.  infinite  pride.   Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pag.  77.  [12  t 
ut  superbam  [Agrippinam]  fecunditate,  subnixam  popularibus  studiis 
inhiare  domination!  apud  Caesaremarguerent.] 

73,  221.  With  popular  studies.  One  would  Tike  to  quote 
Jonson  against  himself,  Timb.,ed.  Schelling,  p.  59  :  "  Pure  and  neat 
language  I  love,  yet  plain  and  customary.  A  barbarous  phrase  hath 
often  made  me  out  of  love  with  a  good  sense,  and  doubtful  writing 
hath  wracked  me  beyond  my  patience."    Yet  he  translates  "  popu- 
laribus studiis"  by  "popular  studies."   The  passage  illustrates  as 
well  as  any  a  tendency  found  everywhere  in  Jonson  when  translat- 
ing, namely,  to  make  over-frequent  use  of  cognates.   I  do  not  be- 
lieve it  was  ' '  plain  and  customary  ' '  in  Elizabeth's  day  to  express  the 
idea  "  zeal  and  devotion  of  the  people,"  by  the  phrase  "  popular 
Studies."   See    Conversations  "with  Drummond,  xvii  :  "A   scholar 
expert  in  Latine  and  Greke,  but   nothing  in  the  English,  said  of 
hott  broath  th.at  he  would  make  the  danger  of  it :  for  it  could  not  be 
ill  English  that  was  good  Latine,  facere  periculum. "   Cf.  Spingarn, 
Introduction  to  Seventeenth  Century  Critical  Essays,  I,  Iv  :    "In  the 
Elizabethan  age  and  the  period  immediately  following  it,  there  were 
two  distinct  schools  of  translation.   Jonson  was  the  recognized  ex- 
ponent of  the  literal  theory,  and  as  late  as  1627  he  praised  May's 
Luc  an  for  having 

'  brought 

Lucan's  whole  frame  unto  us,  and  so  wrought 
As  not  the  smallest  joint  or  gentlest  word 
In  the  great  mass  or  machine  there  is  stirred.' 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  he  was  not  without  followers,  and  a  quarter 
of  a  century  later  Marvell  characterized  as  '  translation's  thief  the 
translator  who  added  to,  or  subtracted  from,  his  original  in  any  par- 
ticular. The  opposing  school,  which  echoed  the  Horatian  protest 
against  too  literal  translation,  was  represented  by  Harington,  Chap- 


234 

man,  and  others.  Chapman  admits  that  be  has  made  luch  change* 
in  his  Homeric  translations  as  the  difference  of  tongues  demands, 
and  he  defends  himself  on  the  ground  that  he  is  far  from  taking  such 
liberties  as  Valla,  Budessa,  Solel,  and  the  other  continental  transla- 
tors of  Homer;  and  it  is  true  that  we  are  still  far  from  the  method 
of  '  imitation  '  or  modernized  paraphrase,  of  which  Perrot  d'Ab- 
lancourt  is  the  chief  French  exemplar." 

73,  113-4.  Pub-lie.  Jonson  was  elsewhere  guilty  of  what  to 
our  minds  is  a  gross  assault  upon  the  aesthetic  sense  (see  Swinburne, 
A  Study  of  Ben  J onion,  pp.  1 1 1-1  3)  ;  but  before  we  condemn  him 
as  severely  as  Swinburne  does  in  that  passage,  we  must  remember 
that  writers  of  the  time  frequently  divided  words  in  this  fashion, 
e.  g.,  Herrick  twice  in  a  Nuptial  Song,  or  Epitkalamium  on  Sir 
Clipttby  Crew;  Chamberlayne's  Pharontiida,  II,  1,  61-3,  IT,  a, 
17-18  ;  Shirley's  Cardinal,  i,  ii  ;  Beaumont  and  Fletcher,  Maid' 'i 
Tragedy,  i,  ii.  And  Jonson  would  have  been  especially  influenced 
by  such  a  passage  as  Catullus,  xi,  1 1-11  : 

Gallicum  Rhenum,  horribile  aequor  ulti- 

mosque  Britannos. 

See  also  Hoc.,  OJti,  i,  i,  19  ;  15,  II  ;  u,  16,  8.  Cases  in  which 
Jonson  breaks  a  word  for  the  sake  of  rhyme  are  noted  by  Wilke, 
MetriicHe  Vr.tcri.  *u  K.  jf.,  pp.  59,  60,  61.  It  may  be  worth 
while  to  note  also  such  instances  as  those  in  Ariosto,  Orl.  Fur. , 
xxviii,  41  ;  XLI,  31  ;  XLII,  105. 

73, 131  ff.  Ourciti's  now  Devided.  Hate  apud  Tac.  Uge. 

lib.  4.  Ann.  f>ag.  79.  [17:  instabat  quippe  Seianus  incusabatque 
diductam  civitatem  ut  civil!  bello:  esse  qui  se  parti  urn  Agrippinae  vo- 
cent,  ac  ni  resistatur,  fore  pluris  ;  neque  aliud  gliscentis  discordiae 
remedium,  quam  si  unus  alterve  maxime  prompti  subvertcrentur.] 

73,  131.    th'   civill   warre.   The  war  between   Caesar  and 
Pompey. 

74,  150  ff.   once   entred.    Compare    Timb.,  ed.   Schelling, 
p.  39  :   "  But  princes,  by  hearkening  to  cruel  counsels,  become  in 
time  obnoxious  to  the  authors,  their  flatterers,  and  ministers ;  and 
are  brought  to  that,  that  when  they  would,  they  dare  not  change 
them  ;  they  must  go  on  and  defend  cruelty  with  cruelty;  they  can- 
not alter  the  habit.     It  is  then  grown  necessary,  they  must  be  as 
ill  as  those  have  made  them  :  and  in  the  end  they  will  grow  more 


235 

hateful  to  themselves  than  to  their  subjects,"  where  Jonson  is  in- 
debted to  Seneca,  De  Clemtntia,  I,  1 3.  Line  251  points  out  what  was 
one  of  the  most  striking  characteristics  of  Tiberius,  namely,  his 
persistence  in  a  course  of  action  once  determined  upon. 

Cf.  Macbeth,  m,  v,  136-8  ;  and  see  Mach.,  Istorie  Fior.t  vni, 
ch.  ii  :  "  queste  [congiure]  .  .  .  gli  danno  cagione  di  temere  ;  il 
temere,  d'assicurarsi;  1'assicurarsi,  d'ingiurare;  donde  ne  nascono 
gli  odj  di  poi,  e  molte  volte  la  sua  rovina." 

74,  253.  To  thrust  Tiberius  into  tyrannic.  These 
lines,  however,  are  contrary  to  the  opinion  of  Suetonius,  see  under 
142  above.  There  is  of  course  no  inconsistency  on  Jonson's  part: 
he  rightly  represents  Tiberius  as  cruel,  and  Sejanus  as  thinking 
that  he  is  the  one  to  whom  that  cruelty  is  due. 

74,  256.  Germanicus  three  sonnes.  Quorum  non  dubia 

succcssio,  neque  spargi  venenum  in  tres  poterat,  &*c.  i>id.  Tac.  Ann. 
lib.  4.  pag.  77.  [12.  See  below  under  259.] 

74,  259.  Unreproov'd  a  chastitie.   Agrippina  was  noted 

for  her  chastity;  see  Tac.,  Ann.,  iv,  12:  "  neque  spargi  venenum  in 
tres  poterat,  egregia  custodum  fide  et  pudicitia  Agrippinae  inpene- 
trabili." 

75»  2-  in  the  wind  :  a  hunting  expresssion  meaning  :  they 
have  the  scent  of  us. 

75,  4.  others  more  desir'd.  Stilus,  Sabinus,  de  quibus 

supra.   [See  69,  147-160.] 

75,  7.  they  hunt.  Tib.  Temper.  Dclatores  genus  hominum 
publico  exitio  rcpcrtum,  &  poenis  quidem  nunquam  satis  coercitum, 
per  praemia  eliciebantur.  Tac.  Annal.  lib.  4.  pa.  82.  [30] 

75,  12.   publique  hooke.   Criminals,  once  condemned,  were 
dragged  to  the  Tiber  by  means  of  a  hook  struck  into  the  neck. 

76,  14.  Afer.   De  Domit.  Af.  vid.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pag.  89. 
93-  [5*,  66] 

76,  1 6.  strew  his  rethorique  with.    Quoquo  fadnore 

properus  clarescere.  Tacit,  ibid.  [52]  &  infra,  prosperiore  eloqucntiae 
quam  morum  fama  fuit.  [52]  et  pag.  gj.  [66]  diu  egens,  et  parto 
nuper  praemio  male  usus,  plura  ad  flagitia  accingeretur. 

77,  10.  Earnest  to  utter,  t^ld.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pag. 
79.  [19.  Tacitus  says  merely  that  she  was  hated  by  Tiberius  because 
she  was  dear  to  Agrippina.] 


236 

77i  '5-  your  losse,  and  danger:  Toe.  lib.  4.  Anna!, 
fag.  77.  [12] 

77,  22.   substance  :  something  having  substance  or  body. 

77,  27.    I  would  hate.  Tac.,  iv,  54,  calls  Agrippina  "  sim- 
ulationum  ncscia." 

78,  35.  You  may  perceive.  Tacit,  ibid.  &  pag.  90.  &QJ. 
[In  iv,  12,  Tacitus  says  that  Sejanua  set  spies  on  Agrippina  ;  in  54, 
that  he  sent  to  her  those  who  warned  her  to  beware  of  Tiberius  ;  in 
59  and  60,  that  he  set  agents  to  work  on  Nero  and  Drusus.] 

78,  45.  Some  subtill  practice.  Suet.  Tib.  cap.  2.  [This 
is  a  puzzling  reference,  if  indeed  there  be  not  some  misprint.  It  is 
difficult  to  tell  from  the  position  of  the  reference  letter  whether  it 
refers  to  the  first  or  second  half  of  the  line.  If  to  the  latter,  there 
is  nothing  in  chap.  2  that  has  in  the  remotest  degree  anything  to 
do  with  Germanicus  or  his  death.  If  to  the  former,  the  case  seems 
almost  equally  hopeless.  The  chapter  gives  an  account  of  the  famous 
men  and  women  of  the  Claudian  family.  The  impression  created  is 
that  the  Claudii  were  in  general  an  able,  proud,  unscrupulous,  violent 
race.  It  may  be  that  this  general  impression  was  all  that  Jonson  had 
in  mind.]  Dion.  Rom.  Hia.  lib.  57.  pag.  705.  [18.  This  gives 
a  brief  account  of  the  death  of  Germanicus  and  accuses  Tiberius  and 
his  mother  of  the  crime.] 

78,  49    He  threatens  many.  Whalley  refers  to  Publius 
[or  Publilius]  Syr  us  [1.  310]:  "  Multis  minatur,  qui  uni  facit  in- 
juriam." 

79,  52.  Drusus  is  dying.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pag.  74.  73. 
76.  77.  [3,  7-1 1.  These  contain  the  account  of  the  death  of  the 
elder  Drusus.] 

79,  57-   Poyson.    Tacit,  ibid. 

80,  67.  The  Senate  sit.  nd.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pag.  76. 

[»] 

80,  73-  No  tree,  that  stops  his  prospect.  See  the 
fragment  of  Mortimer  : 

Naught  hinders  now  our  prospect,  all  are  even, 

We  walk  upon  a  level. 

So  in  Thi  Bloody  Brother,  in  which  Jonson  apparently  collaborated 
with  Fletcher  et  al.t  iv,  i : 

Nothing  left  standing  to  obscure  our  prospect. 


jpotes  237 

Below  under  144,  3,  is  also  noted  a  passage  from  Wilson's  Andro- 
nicus  Comnemus,  in  which  a  similar  phrase  occurs.  The  parallel  is 
noted  by  Faber  in  John  Wilsons  Dramen,  Eine  Quellenstudie,  1904; 
as  he  apparently  failed  to  read  Sejanus  with  care,  the  other  cases  of 
imitation  by  Wilson  pointed  out  in  these  notes  escaped  him. 

8l.  The  Senate.  The  Senate,  especially  under  the  Empire, 
could  sit  as  a  court  of  trial  in  practically  any  case  important  enough 
to  be  brought  before  it.  The  proceeding  was  in  general  similar  to 
that  of  ordinary  courts.  The  consul  presided.  To  him  was  made  the 
accuser's  complaint  (see  note  on  delators,  28,  64)  ;  the  evidence 
was  brought  forward,  and  judgment  rendered  by  vote.  The  peculiar 
iniquitousness  of  the  present  trial  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  formal 
accuser  and  the  presiding  officer  were  one  and  the  same  (see  197  ff. ). 
The  whole  affair  will  be  better  understood  by  the  reader  if  he  bears 
in  mind  the  fact  that  the  forms  and  processes  of  the  Republic  were 
zealously  kept  up  during  at  least  the  early  Empire. 

81,  i.  Tis  only  you.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  fag.  19.  [19. 
See  under  238.]  It  should  be  said  that  Jonson  is  in  this  scene  com- 
bining three  separate  meetings  of  the  Senate  ;  the  death  of  Drusus 
took  place  in  A.  D.  23,  the  trial  of  Silius  in  A.  n.  24,  and  that  of 
Cordus  in  A.  D.  25. 

8 1,  5.  your  father.  Varro's  father,  C.  Visellius  Varro,  had 
been  at  odds  with  Silius  over  the  command  against  Sacrovir,  Tac., 
Ann.,  m,  43.  The  phrase, 

and  under  colour  of  late  enmity 
Between  your  father  and  his, 

is  a  free  translation  of  "  paternas  inimicitias  obtendens,"  Tac., 
Ann.,  iv,  19,  where  Varro's  accusation  of  Silius  is  spoken  of.  The 
ascription  of  this  speech  to  Sejanus  is  justified  by  the  fact  that  in  the 
same  sentence  Tacitus  tells  us  that  in  accusing  Silius,  Varro  gratified 
the  hatred  of  Sejanus  (see  below,  238). 

81,  12.  under  name  of  treason.  Tacit,  ibid.  [19]  Sed 
cuncta  questions  maiettaiis  exercita.  Tacitus  says  that  the  accusers 
of  Silius  did  not  rest  their  case  solely  on  the  charge  of  embezzlement 
in  the  province,  but  that  they  preferred  to  embrace  everything  that 
they  could  say  against  him  under  the  head  of  treason.  With  regard 
to  the  lines  preceding,  Tacitus  does  not  say  definitely  that  it  was  the 
plan  of  Caesar  and  Sejanus  to  take  Silius  unprepared,  but  the  infer- 


ence  is  a  legitimate  one  from  the  tone  of  the  passage  in  which  he 
narrates  the  trial. 

81,  13.  Caesar  will  not  be  here.  The  statement  of  Sabi- 

nus  that  Caesar  will  not  appear  is  suggested  by  Tac.,  Ann.,  iv,  8, 
where  he  says  that  Caesar  entered  the  senate  "  although  Drusus  wai 
dead  and  not  yet  buried,"  at  a  time,  in  short,  when  he  was  not 
expected. 

82,  n.  whips  :  a  proverbial  allusion  in  Elizabethan  literature, 
e.g.,  Spanith  Tragedy,  in,  xi,  II.  37-8  of  Interpolation : 

And  there's  Nemesis,  and  Furies, 
And  things  called  whips. 

82,  15.  SO  low.  Tacit,  tod.  lib.  fag.  76.  [iv,  8]  Coniu/et- 
cjue  itde  vulgar!  per  speciem  moestrtiae  tedentes. 

82,  28.    Fathers    Conscript.     Pratfatio  toltnnit  Contulum 
Rom.  -vid.   Bar.  Briss.  de  for.  lib.  2.   "  Barnabe   Brisson  (1531- 
1591 )  was  the  writer  of  celebrated  treatises  on  the  terminology  of 
the  Civil  Law  (1557)  and  on  the  \ega\formulae  of  the  Romans." 
Sandys,  History  of  Class.  Scholarship,  u,  193. 

83,  30.   Lictor    The  lictors  were  the  personal  attendants  of 
the  higher  magistrates  (in  this  case  the  consul)  and  bore  the  fasces 
(see  note  on  44,  116).  Ordinarily  they  were  not  employed  to  exe- 
cute commands  (Mommsen,  Romisches  Staatsrecht,  i,  359-60),  but 
symbolized  the  authority  of  the  magistrate.   The  praecones  were 
likewise  attached  to  the  various  magistrates,  and  had  among  other 
duties  that  of  citing  the  parties  to  a  legal  process  and  the  witnesses 
(Mommsen,  ibid.  348-9).    It  is  worth  noting  that  Jonson  is  here 
making  a  careful  distinction  between  their  function*. 

83,  37-  thus  dissolv'd.  Tat.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pa.  76.  [8. 
In  order  to  illustrate  Jonson's  method  fully  I  compare  Tacitus  line 
by  line  with  the  first  part  of  this  scene:  "  ceterum  Tiberius  per  om- 
nes  valetudinis  eius  (Drusi)  dies,  nullo  metu  an  ut  firmirudinem 
animi  ostentaret,  etiam  drfuncto  necdum  sepulto,  curiam  ingrestus 
est.  consulesque  sede  vulgari  per  speciem  maestitiae  ( 16 )  sedente* 
honoris  locique  (38)  admonuit  (suggests  the  tone  of  35-40),  et  efru- 
sum  in  lacrimas  senatum  victo  gemitu  simul  oratione  continua  erexit : 
non  quidem  sibi  ignarum  posse  argui,  quod  tarn  recenti  dolore  subi- 
erit  oculos senatus;  vix  propinquorum  adloquia  tolerari,  vix  diem  aspict 


239 

a  plerisque  lugentium  (41-47).  neque  illos  inbecillitatij  damnandos 
(48-9) ;  se  tamen  fortiora  solacia  e  complexu  rei  publicae  petivisse 
(49-51).  miseratusque  Augustae  extremam  senectam,  rudem  adhuc 
nepotum  et  vergentem  aetatem  suam  (52-4),  ut  Germanici  liberi, 
unica  praesentium  malorum  levamenta  (56—8),  inducerentur  petivit 
(59-60).  egressi  consules  firmatos  adloquio  adulescentulos  deductos- 
que  ante  Caesarem  statuunt.  quibus  adprensis  '  patres  conscript!,  hos  * 
inquit  'orbatos  parente  tradidi  patruoipsorum  precatusque  511111(67-8), 
quamquam  esset  illi  propria  suboles,  ne  secus  quam  suum  sanguinem 
foveret,  attolleret,  sibique  et  posteris  conformaret  (69—72).  erepto 
Druso  preces  ad  vos  converto  disque  et  patria  coram  obtestor  (73—4): 
August!  pronepotes,  clarissimis  majoribus  genitos,  suscipite,  regite 
(75— 6),  vestram  meamque  vicem  explete  (77).  hi  vobis,  Nero  et 
Druse,  parentum  loco  (78-9).  ita  nati  estis  (80)  ut  bona  malaque 
vestra  ad  rem  publicam  pertineant  (81).'  Ch.  9.  Magno  ea  fletu 
et  mox  precationibus  faustis  audita  (82—91);  ac  si  modum  oration! 
posuisset  ( this  comment  of  Tac.  affords  a  starting-point  for  the  skep- 
tical remarks  of  Arruntius,  64-5,  96-9,  105),  misericordia  sui 
gloriaque  animos  audientium  (compare  92—4)  impleverat:  ad  vana 
et  totiens  inrisa  (112  is  suggested  by  this  word)  revolutus,  de  red- 
denda  re  publica  (iio-ni)  utque  consules  seu  quis  alius  regimen 
susciperent  (115-6),  vero  quoque  et  honesto  fidem  dempsit " 
(118-21).] 

The  heartless  attitude  of  Tiberius  toward  Drusus*  death  demands 
comment.  It  is  true  that  at  this  point  Tiberius  makes  protestations 
of  grief;  but  he  does  so  in  obedience  to  the  authority  of  Tacitus, 
who  at  the  same  time  is  skeptical  about  his  sincerity,  and  nowhere 
else  in  the  play  does  he  exhibit  the  slightest  concern.  Moreover,  in 
II,  ii,  all  of  Tiberius'  policy  is  purely  selfish  ;  his  plans  are  all  for 
his  own  benefit,  not  for  that  of  his  son,  who  is  not  even  mentioned, 
except  obliquely  by  Sejanus.  Suetonius  tells  us  in  so  many  words 
that  Tiberius  did  not  love  Drusus  (cap.  52),  though  elsewhere  he 
relates  incidents  somewhat  inconsistent  with  the  statement.  There 
was  a  rumor  that  Tiberius  had  poisoned  Drusus.  Dio,  57,  22, 
Sen. ,  Ad  Marciam,  xv,  and  Josephus,  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  xvm, 
6,  all  give  us  to  believe  that  Tiberius  loved  his  son.  I  have  com- 
mented in  the  Introduction  on  Jonson's  tendency  to  simplify  char- 
acter. 

83,  37-   dissolv'd  :  Lat.   dissolutus,   that  is,  lax,  negligent. 


240  j'iotrs 

The  consuls,  having  lost  "remembrance  of  style  and  place,"  are 
not  occupying  the  special  or  curule  chain  set  apart  for  them,  but 
are  sitting  on  the  benches  belonging  to  the  body  of  the  senators  (tee 
U.  15-6),  and  the  first  part  of  the  quotation  above.  Cf.  Spenter, 
Faerie  tt^ueene,  i,  vii,  6:  "  Who  him  disarmed,  dissolute,  dismaid." 
83,  46.  face  :  a  rather  unusual  use  of  the  word  in  an  abstract 
or  collective  sense;  compare  note  on  37,  135. 

85,  78.  these  shall  be  to  you.  Tac.  Ann.  Ilk.  4.  pa.  76. 

[See  under  37  above.] 

85,  84.  Let  their  great  titles.  Claud.,  Dt  Comul  Stiluk. 
U,  317-8: 

Titulo  tune  crescere  posses; 
Nunc  per  te  titulus. 

85,  87.  no  rivals,  but   themselves.    "  In  the  Doublt 
Faliehood,  brought  out  by  Mr.  Theobald  as  written  by  Shakspeare, 
is  this  line : 

'  None  but  himself  can  be  his  parallel,' 

a  mode  of  expression  which  drew  on  him  the  ridicule  of  wits  and 
critics.  In  vindication  of  himself  he  produced  many  similar  passages 
from  the  classics,  etc.,  and  against  this  verse  of  Jonson,  in  the  mar- 
gin of  his  copy,  he  hath  written  parallel,  as  an  instance  of  the  like 
kind.  I  will  add  another  from  The  Dumb  Knight,  1 608,  act  i,  sc.  I : 
•She  is  herself  compared  with  herself, 

For  but  herself  she  hath  no  companion.'  '  (Whalley.) 
See  another  in  Hazlirt's  edition  of  the  above  play  in  Hazlitt's  Dcdi- 
ley,  x,  and  compare  Lounsbury's  Text  of  SAaiesfeare,  115  flf. ,  and 
Mart.,  Epig.,  i,  109. 

86,  108.   issue:  the  issue  of  Germanicus. 

86,  ii a.    Laugh,  Fathers,  laugh.    Toe.  ibid.  [See  under 
37  above.]  Ad  -vana  &  totiei  inrita  revo/utui,  de  ridden  da  Rep.  uljut 
Counties,  feu  quit  aliui  regimen  luuiperent. 

The  spleen  was  sometimes  thought  to  be  the  seat  of  laughter. 

87,  IIJ.  that  charme.   Tonitrua  praeter  modum  expaveuebat : 
(Sf  turbattore  caelo  nunyuam   non  coronam  laurtam  capile  geitavit, 
quod  fulmine  affiar't   negetur  id  genut  frondn.   Suet.   Tib.  cap.  bg. 
•vid.  Phii.  Nat.  Ilia.  lib.  15.  cap.  jo. 

88,  136.   Vertumnus  :  the  god  of  the  changing  yearj  com- 
pare Tke  Staple  of  Newi,  in,  i : 


241 

Tut,  I  am  Vertumnus, 
On  every  change,  or  chance,  upon  occasion, 
A  true  camelion,  I  can  colour  for  it. 
I  move  upon  my  axle  like  a  turnpike, 
Fit  my  face  to  the  parties,  and  become 
Straight  one  of  them. 

88,  140.    my  obedience.    Semper  perplexa  &  obscura.   Orat. 
Tib.  -vid.  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.   I.  fag.  5.  [n.  Tacitus'   words  are: 
"suspensa  semper  et  obscura  verba."] 

89,  155  ff.    Cite  Caius   Silius.    The  passage  of  Tacitus 
(iv,  18,  19,  20),  on  which  the  trial  of  Silius  is  founded,  is  here 
quoted  in  full.   It  will  be  noticed  that  Tacitus  does  not  say  that  Afer 
took  part  in  the  prosecution  of  Silius.  Jonson  assigns  him  a  part  on 
the  basis  of  what  Tacitus  tells  us  about  his  general  share  in  the  evil 
activities  of  the  time  (see  under  76,  16). 

Qua  causa  C.  Silium  et  Titium  Sabinum  (see  below  iv,  Hi)  ad- 
greditur.  amicitia  Germanici  perniciosa  utrique,  Silio  et  quod  ingen- 
tis  exercitus  septem  per  annos  moderator  partisque  apud  Germaniam 
triumphalibus  Sacroviriani  belli  victor,  quanto  maiore  mole  procide- 
ret,  plus  formidinis  in  alios  dispergebatur  (see  above,  69,  148—157). 
credebant  plerique  auctam  offensionem  ipsius  intemperantia,  immo- 
dice  iactantis  (271)  suum  militem  in  obsequio  duravisse,  cum  alii 
ad  seditiones  prolaberentur  (272-5);  neque  mansurum  Tiberio  im- 
perium,  si  iis  quoque  legionibus  cupido  novandi  fuisset  (276—7). 
destrui  per  haec  fortunam  suam  Caesar  imparemque  tanto  merito 
rebatur  (290—3).  nam  beneficia  eo  usque  laeta  sunt,  dum  videntur 
exsolvi  posse  (304-5);  ubi  multum  antevenere  (303—4),  pro  gratia 
odium  redditur  (300-301). 

19.  Erat  uxor  Silio  Sosia  Galla,  caritate  Agrippinae  (76,  4  ff.) 
in  visa  principi  (70,162-7).  hos  corripi  dilato  ad  tempus  Sabino 
(70,  158—160)  placitum,  immissusque  Varro  consul  (178-9),  qui 
paternas  inimicitias  obtendens  (4—5)  odiis  Sejani  per  dedecus  suum 
gratificabatur  (238).  precante  reo  brevem  moram,  dum  accusator 
consulatu  abiret  (197-8),  adversatus  est  Caesar:  solitum  quippe 
magistratibus  diem  privatis  dicere  (201-204);  nec  infringendum 
consulis  ius,  cuius  vigiliis  niteretur,  ne  quod  res  publica  detrimentum 
caperet  (204-8).  proprium  id  Tiberio  fuit  scelera  nuper  reperta 
priscis  verbis  obtegere  (209).  igitur  multa  adseveratione,  quasi  aut 


242 

Icgibus  cum  Silio  ageretur  aut  Varro  consul  aut  illud  ret  publica 
esset,  coguntur  patres.  (The  "  asscvcratio  "  is  the  oath  taken  by 
Tiberius  in  216-9.  The  irony  of  Tacitus  in  the  phrase  "quasi," 
etc.,  perhaps  gives  rise  to  221-8.)  silente  reo,  vel  si  defensionem 
coeptaret,  non  occultante  cuius  ira  prcmerctur  (23  1-1),  conscientia 
belli  Sacrovir  diu  dissimulatus,  victoria  per  avaritiam  foedata  et  uxor 
Sosia  arguebantur  (181-9).  nec  dubie  repetundarum  criminibus  hae- 
rebant,  sed  cuncta  quaestione  rnaiestatis  exercita  (11-12),  et  Siliui 
immincntcm  damnationcm  (315-8)  voluntario  fine  praevertit  (338). 

20.  Sacvitum  tamen  in  bona  (352-3),  non  ut  stipendiariis  pecu- 
niae  redderentur,  quorum  nemo  repetebat,  sed  liberalitas  August! 
avulsa,  conputatis  singillatim  quae  fisco  petebantur.  ea  prima  Tibcrio 
erga  pecuniam  alienam  diligentia  fuit  (354).  Sosia  in  ex  ilium  pclli- 
tur  Asinii  Galh  sententia  (356),  qui  pattern  bonorum  publicandum, 
pare  ut  liberis  relinqueretur  censuerat  (357-8).  contra  M'.  Lepidul 
quartam  accusatoribus  secundum  necessitudinem  legis,  cetera  liberis 
concessit  (359-61).  hunc  ego  Lepidum  temporibus  illis  gravem  et 
sapientem  virum  fuisse  comperior  (366-8):  nam  pleraque  ab  saevit 
adulationibus  aliorum  in  melius  riexit  (369).  neque  tamen  tempera- 
menti  egebat,  cum  aequabili  auctoritate  et  gratia  apud  Tiberium 
viguerit  (see  note  on  133,  36). 

Citebatur  reus  e  tribunal!  vote  proecoitii.  lrtd.  Bar.  Briuon.  lib. 
J.  de  for.  [See  under  82,  28  and  83,  30  above.] 

90,  17'-  informer  gapes  for.  See  under  28,  64. 

90,  173.  These  now  are  crimes:  Vid,  Suet.  Tiber.  Toe. 

Dio.  Senec.  Jonson  probably  had  in  mind  especially  Suet.,  7Y/>.,  cap. 
61 ;  in  Tac.,  iv  and  vi  contain  an  especially  large  number  of  trial* 
for  treason;  in  Dio  the  latter  part  of  57  and  the  whole  of  58;  in 
Seneca,  probably  De  Benefciii,  ill,  26,  which  he  has  more  than 
once  referred  to. 

90,   182.  beginning,  and  occasioning.    Tac.  lib.  4. 

pag.  70.  Coitcitntia  belli,  Sacrovir  diu  dutimuiatui,  victoria  ftr 
avaritiam  foedata  t  (Sf  uxor  Sosia  arguebantur.  [See  under  155  rt.] 
OO,  183.  the  warre.  Btllum  Satrovirianum  in  Ctf//[ia]  trot. 
Triumfk.  in  Germ.  vid.  Tat.  Ann.  lib,  J.  fag.  63.  [45,  46.] 
Julius  Sacrovir  was  a  Gallic  noble  of  apparently  considerable  ability. 
In  complicity  with  Julius  Florus,  another  Gallic  noble,  he  raised  in 
A.  D.  21  a  formidable  rebellion,  reduced  by  Silius  in  the  same  year. 


243 

It  should  be  noted  that  Tacitus  does  not  deny  that  Silius  was  "  guilty 
of  complicity  in  the  rebellion  of  Sacrovir  "  (Allen).  It  does  not  of 
course  suit  Jonson,  whose  object  was  to  depict  Tiberius  in  the  dark- 
est colors,  to  permit  such  an  imputation  to  rest  upon  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal members  of  the  Gcrmanican  party. 

90,  187.   thy  wife  Sosia.  See  Tac.,  in,  33,  in  which  it  is 
pointed  out  that  the  wives  of  those  to  whom  provinces  were  allotted 
were  frequently  the  worst  offenders. 

91,  192.  If  I  not  prove  it,  Caesar.  Vtd.  accusandi  for- 

mulam  apud  Srisson.  lib.  j".  de  For.  [Suet.,  Augustus,  32,  mention! 
a  decree  of  that  prince  :  "  ut  si  quern  quis  repetere  vellet,  par  peri- 
culum  poenae  subiret. "] 
91,  203.  The  magistrate.   Tac.  Anna!,  lib.  4.  pa.  jq. 

Ad-versatus  est  Caesar :  so/itum  tjuippe  Magistratibus,  diem  privatis 
dicerc,  nee  infringendum  Consults  iust  cuius  •vigitliis,  &c.  [See  under 
I5S  ff.] 

91,  204.  appoint  their  day:  compare  "design  my  day  of 
trial,"  199-200.  The  phrase  is  a  translation  of  "  diem  dicere,"  a 
technical  expression  for  bringing  a  prosecution.  Jonson  is  hence 
using  both  of  the  English  phrases  in  a  quite  un-English  sense. 

91,  209.  fraud  :  this  consisted  in  a  wrong  interpretation  of 
the  law.  In  commenting  on  Tac.,  iv,  19,  Allen  says  :  "The  phrase 
quoted  by  Tiberius ' '  [with  reference  to  the  right  of  the  magistrate 
to  call  forth  private  men,  see  quotation  under  155  ff.]  "  had  refer- 
ence to  the  proclamation  of  martial  law,  not  to  ordinary  criminal 
prosecutions."  This  fact  is  what  gives  special  point  to  220—225. 

93,  238.  To  gratifieit.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4. pa.  79.  [19.  See 

Knder  155  ff.]  Immhsusque  Varro  Consul,  qui  paternas  inimicitiat 
obtendens,  odiis  Sejani  per  dedecus  suum  gratificabatur . 

93>  239~24°-  impious.  The  Roman  magistrate  had  religious 
as  well  as  civil  functions.  He  represented  the  Roman  people  toward 
the  gods  as  well  as  toward  other  nations  (Mommsen,  Rom.  Staatsr., 
i,  88-89),  and  an  attack  upon  his  person  might  be  well  called  im- 
pious. Compare  CatiL,  v,  iv: 

Cats.   But  first 
Let  Lentulus  put  off  his  praetorship. 

Len.  I  do  resign  it  here  unto  the  Senate. 

Cats.  So,  now  there's  no  offence  done  to  religion. 

Cato.  Caesar,  'twas  piously  and  timely  urged. 


244 

93,  245.  A  net  of  Vulcanes  filing.  The  story  was  that 
Vulcan,  suspecting  the  infidelity  of  Venus  with  Mars,  wrought  a 
fine  net,  which  he  threw  over  them  on  a  certain  occasion,  after- 
ward calling  in  the  other  gods  to  witness  their  discomfiture. 

For  first  with  all  his  craft  he  did  invent 
A  curious  toil  of  meshes,  strongly  set 
With  supple  fibrous  thread  and  branches  bent: 
Full  tightly  they  were  bounden  in  that  net. 

O'Shaughnessy,  An  Epic  of  Women. 

The  expression,  "  a  Ret  of  Vulcan's  filing,"  is  used  by  Massinger 
in  Rom.  Act.,  iv,  ii. 
93»  1S6~7-  blue-ey'd  Gaules.    Giffbrd  quotes  Juv.,  wu, 

164: 

Caerula  quis  stupuit  German!  lumina,  flavam 
Caesariem,  et  madido  torquantem  cornua  cirro. 
(Friedlaender's  text  reads  torqufntem.)  An  image  of  an  eagle  formed 
the  legionary  standard  from  about  the  time  of  Marius  on;  before 
whom  other  standards  had  also  been  used. 

94,  16 1.    curl'd  Sicambrians.   Popull  Germ,  kodit  Geldri 
in  Belgica  tunt  intir  Mourn  et  Rhenum  :  yuoi  celebrat  Mart.  Sftct.  J. 

Crinibut  in  nodum  tortii 
venere  Sicambri. 

[Kp.tly    3-1 

94,  173.  Thou  lately  mad'st.  lac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  fag.  79. 

[See  under  89,  155  ff.] 

95,  187-8.    cause  Of  crime  :  "  crime  "  appears  to  be  used 
in  the  sense  of  "crimen,"  an  accusation,  and  the  whole  phrase 
equals  "  ground  of  accusation." 

96,  197.  To  make  him  guiltie.  Wilson,  Andron.  Com- 
ntn  ,  n,  i  : 

One  need  not  far  to  find 
A  staff  to  beat  a  dog,  nor  circumstance 
To  make  him  guilty  that's  before  foredoom'd ! 
96,  301  ff.  so  soone,  all  best  turnes.  So  Bacon,  History 
of  Henry  PI  I,  in  speaking  of  the  reasons  why  the  king  gave  willing 
ear  to  the  accusations  against  Sir  William  Stanley  :  "  First,  an  over- 
merit  :  for  convenient  merit,  unto  which  reward  may  easily  reach, 
doth  best  with  Kings." 


liotesf  245 

Wilson,  Andron.  Comnen.,  v,  i: 

He's  gone  the  way  of  those  that  oblige  tyrants 
Beyond  requital  —  he's  strangled. 

The  sentiment  is  common  in  Elizabethan  literature  and  elsewhere  ; 
e.  g.,  Alfieri,  Rosmunda,  iv,  ii,  turns  the  idea  effectively  : 

Ne  piu  mi  offende 
In  te  tua  fella  ingratitudin  :  vero 
Re  ti  conosco  a  cid. 

As  a  principle  of  political  action,  it  is  analyzed  by  Mach.,  Disc., 
I,  29. 
97,  324.  That  are  but  hands  of  fortune.  Compare 

Sen.,  De  Constantia  Safientis,  viii :  "  Et  si  fortunae  iniurias  mode- 
rate fert,  quanto  magis  hominum  potentium,  quos  scit  fortunae 
manus  esse  ?  "  And  in  the  last  part  of  De  Pro-vidcntia  Seneca  points 
out  how  easily  the  good  man  may  escape  the  evils  of  life  by  "  the 
bare  bodkin." 

97,  324-5.  Shee  her  selfe.  Luc.,  Phan.,  ix,  569  : 

Fortunaque  perdat 
opposita  virtute  minas  ? 

87>  333-  The  coward,  and  the  valiant  man  must 
.  Luc.,  ibid.,  583: 

pavido  fortique  cadendum  est. 

98,  338.  Would  know  to  mock.  So  in  Nero,  iv,  vii, 
last  line,  Petronius  says  : 

Nero,  my  end  shall  mock  thy  tyranny. 

98,  340.  desperate  act.  Tac.  ibid.  [See  under  89,  155  ff. 
It  will  be  noticed,  as  Whalley  points  out,  that  Tacitus  does  not  say 
that  Silius  killed  himself  before  the  senate.] 

98,  344  ff.  We  are  not  pleas'd.  Jonson    had   in   mind 
Tac.,  Ann.,  in,  50  :  "  Saepe  audivi  principem  nostrum  conqueren- 
tem,  si  quis  sumpta  morte  misericordiam  eius  praevenisset. " 

98,347.  Excellent.  This  etymological  use  of  "  excellent " 
is  Elizabethan  idiom,  e.  g.,  Othello's  "excellent  wretch,"  in,  ill, 
90;  instances  are  numerous. 

99,  366.  This  Lepidus  Is  grave  and  honest.  Tac. 

Ann.  lib.  4.  pa.  So.   [See  under  155  ff.] 


246 

99,  371-  Noble  Cordus.  Tac.  Ann.  hb.  4.  fag.Sj.  84. 
[34.  35]  P'°-  Hist-  Rom-  lib-S7-  t">g-  7 to.  [24] 

I  give  in  full,  as  before,  the  passage  from  Tacitus  :  "  Cornelio 
Cosso  Asinio  Agrippa  consulibus  Cremutius  Cordus  poitulatur,  novo 
ac  tune  primum  audito  crimine,  quod  editis  annalibus  laudatoque 
M.  Bruto  C.  Cagsium  Romanorum  ultimum  dixisset  (391-2). 
accusabant  Satrius  Secundus  et  Pinnarius  Natta,  Sejani  clientes.  id 
perniciabile  reo,  et  Caesar  truci  vultu  defensionem  accipiens,  quam 
Cremutius,  relinquendae  vitae  certus,  in  hunc  modum  ezorsus  est : 
'  verba  mea,  patres  conscript!,  arguuntur  (408) :  adeo  f'actorum  inno- 
cens  sum  (407)  sed  neque  haec  in  principem  aut  principis  paren- 
tem,  quos  lex  maiestatis  amplectitur  (409-10);  Brutum  et  C'assium 
laudavisse  dicor  (411),  quorum  res  gestas  cum  plurimi  composue- 
rint,  nemo  sine  honore  memoravit  (41 2-3  ) .  Titus  Livius,  eloquen- 
tiae  ac  fidci  praeclarus  in  primis  (414-5),  Cn.  Pompeium  tantis 
laudibus  tulit,  ut  Pompeianum  eum  Augustus  appellaret  (416-7); 
neque  id  amicitiae  eorum  offecit  (418)  Scipionem,  Afranium, 
hunc  ipsum  Cassium,  hunc  Brutum  (418-20)  nusquam  latrones  et 
parricidas  (420),  quae  nunc  vocabula  imponuntur  (421),  saepe  ut 
insignis  viros  nominal  (421).  Asinii  Pollionis  scripts  egregiam 
eorundem  memoriam  tradunt  (423-4);  Messalla  Corvinus  impera- 
torem  suum  Cassium  praedicabat  (424-5);  et  uterque  opibus  atque 
honoribus  perviguere  (425-6).  Marci  Ciceronis  libro,  quo  Catonem 
caelo  aequavit  (427-8),  quid  aliud  dictator  Caesar  quam  rescript! 
oratione,  velutapud  iudices,  respondit  (428-30)?  Antonii  epistulae, 
Bruti  contiones  (431-32)  falsa  quidem  in  Augustum  probra,  set 
multa  cum  acerbitate  habent  (432-3)  ;  carmina  Bibaculi  et  Catulli 
referta  contumeliis  Caesarum  leguntur  (434-5)  :  sed  ipse  divus 
lulius,  ipse  divus  Augustus  (436)  et  tulere  ista  et  reliquere  (437), 
baud  facile  dixerim,  moderatione  magis  an  sapientia  (437-9). 
namque  spreta  exolescunt  (439-40):  si  irascere,  agnita  videntur 
(441).  non  attingo  Graecos,  quorum  non  modo  libertas  (442), 
etiam  libido  impunita  (443);  aut  si  quis  advertit,  dictis  dicta  ultus 
est  (444-5).  sed  maxime  solutum  et  sine  obtrectatore  fuit  (446-7) 
prodere  de  iis,  quos  mors  odio  aut  gratiae  exemisset  (447-8).  num 
enim  armatis  Cassio  et  Bruto  ac  Philippenses  campos  opdnentibut 
(449-50)  belli  civilis  causa  populum  per  contiones  incendo  (451- 
2)  ?  an  illi  quidem  leptuagensimum  ante  annum  percmti  (452—3), 


247 

quo  modo  imaginibus  suis  noscuntur,  quas  ne  victor  quidem  abolevit 
(453-4),  sic  partem  memoriae  apud  scriptores  retinent  (455)? 
suum  cuique  decus  posteritas  rependit  (456);  nee  deerunt,  si  dam- 
natio  ingruit  (457),  qui  non  modo  Cassii  et  Bruti,  sed  etiam  mei 
meminerint  (458-60).'  egressus  dein  senatu  vitam  abstinentia  fini- 
vit.  libros  per  aediles  cremandos  censuere  patres  (465-6)  ;  set  man- 
serunt,  occultati  et  editi.  quo  magis  socordiam  eorum  inridere  libet, 
qui  praesenti  potentia  credunt  exstingui  posse  etiam  sequentis  aevi 
memoriam  (471-4).  nam  contra  punitis  ingeniis  gliscit  auctoritas, 
neque  aliud  extern!  reges  aut  qui  eadem  saevitia  usi  sunt,  nisi  dede- 
cus  sibi  atque  illis  gloriam  peperere  "  (475-80). 

99,373.   What  is  he.  Whalley  says  that  Upton  would  read: 

Tib.  What  is  he  for  ?  (i.  e. ,  of  what  is  he  accused  ?) 
Sej.   The  Annals,  Caesar. 

IOO,  376-7.  Sejanus  bloud-hounds.  Sen.,  Ad  Marc., 
az  :  "  etacerrimi  canes,  quos  ille  [Seianus]  ut  sibi  uni  mansuetos, 
omnibus  feros  haberet,  sangine  humano  pascebat,  circumlatrare  hom- 
inem  etiam  ilium  impetratum  incipiunt." 

IO2,  419.  Scipio.  "  Metellus  Scipio,  father-in-law  of  Pom- 
pey,  who  led  the  opponents  of  Caesar  after  the  death  of  Pompey; 
like  Cato,  he  killed  himself  after  the  battle  of  Thapsus.  Afranius 
was  another  leader  of  the  same  party."  (Allen.) 

102,  422.  notes  :  Jonson  has  in  mind  the  "  nota  censoria," 
a  mark  placed  by  the  censors  against  the  name  of  any  one  censured; 
hence  "  nota  "  is  equivalent  to  "blot." 

IO2,  423.  Asinius  Pollio's  :  Septem  Jec[em]  lib.  Hilt. 
serif  sit  wid.  5a/W[as,  I,  786]  Suet,  [probably  De  Grammaticis,  10. 
Pollio  lived  from  76  B.  c.  to  5  A  D.  Fragments  of  his  work  only 
are  extant.  Though  an  opponent  of  Antony,  he  did  not,  as  Jonson'i 
lines,  perhaps  unintentionally,  suggest,  live  in  close  friendship  with 
Augustus.  The  Messalla  of  the  next  line  is  the  Valerius  Messalla 
of  Julius  Caesar ,  64  B.C.  to  8  A.D.] 

102,  427.  To  Cicero's  booke.  Both  Cicero's  Laus  Ca- 
tonis  and  the  Anticatones  of  Caesar  are  lost. 

102,  431  ff.  Antonius  letters:  "Some  extracts  from 
these  letters  are  given  by  Suetonius  (Oct  ,  7,  16,  63,  69).  Of  these 
speeches  of  Brutus  nothing  is  known.  Bibaculus  was  a  poet,  de- 


248 

scribed  by  Horace  (Sat.  u,  5,  40)  as  of  an  inflated  style.  The  vul- 
gar abuse  of  Canar  in  the  poems  of  Catullus  ( 1 1  and  29)  is  still 
extant."  (Allen.) 

102,  436.   no  leSSC:  supply  "deified,"  and  see  under  48, 

195- 

103,  440.   if  they  despised  bee.   See  176,  83,  and  com- 
pare Cati I.    in,  i : 

Where  it  concerns  himself, 
Who's  angry  at  a  slander  makes  it  true, 

and  Johnson  says,  "Alas!  reputation  would  be  of  little  worth, 
were  it  in  the  power  of  every  concealed  enemy  to  deprive  us  of  it." 
See  Hill's  note  on  p.  70,  vol  u  of  his  edition  of  Boswell's  Johmon, 
for  an  interesting  collection  of  similar  sentences.  Seneca,  De  Ira, 
in,  5,  says,  "  Ultio  doloris  confessio  est,"  which  is  quite  close  to 
the  language  employed  by  Cordus. 

IO3,  442  ff.  whose  licence.  The  allusion  appears  to  be  to 
the  free  and  unrestrained  practice  of  the  Old  Comedy  in  its  satire 
upon  men  prominent  in  the  public  life  of  Athens. 

103,  457-60.  Nor  shall  there  want.  See  Ntr»t  iv,  T: 

And  if  I  die 

For  pitying  human  chance  and  Fiso's  end, 
There  will  be  some,  too,  that  will  pity  mine. 
104,463     Take  him  hence.    Eg reitui  dein  itnatu,  vitam 
abitinentiajinivit.    Tac.  ibid.  [See  under  371.]  Gtnercsam  ejui  mor- 
tem fii/.  apud  Sen.  Com.  ad  Mar.  cap.  22. 

104,  475-6.    the  punishment   Of  wit.    See  Milton's 
Artopagiiica :   "  Although  their  own  late  arguments  and  defences 
against  the  prelates  might  remember  them,  that  this  obstructing 
violence  meets  for  the  most  part  with  an  event  utterly  opposite  to 
the  end  which  it  drives  at :  instead  of  suppressing  sects  and  schisms, 
it  raises  them  and  invests  them  with  a  reputation  :  '  The  punishing 
of  wits  enhances  their  authority,'  saith  the  Viscount  St.  Albans ; 
'  and  a  forbidden  writing  is  thought  to  be  a  certain  spark  of  truth, 
that  flies  up  in  the  faces  of  them  who  seek  to  tread  it  out. '   This 
order,  therefore,  may  prove  a  nursing  mother  to  sects,  but  I  shall 
easily  shew  how  it  will  be  stepdame  to  truth. " 

105,  480.  to  the  writers  an  eternal!  name.  Ma»u- 

rmnt  jjui  libri  occult  an  &  tditi.  Tac.  ibid.   [See  under  371.]  Scrip- 


249 

serat  hie  Cremut.  bella  civi/ia,  Sf  res  August,  extantque  Fragmcnta 
in  Suasoria  Sexta.  Senec. 

105,  486.  The  Roman  race  most  wretched.   Suet. 

Tib.  cap.  21.  [Scio  vulgo  persuasum  quasi,  egresso  post  secretum 
sermonem  Tiberio,  vox  August!  per  cubicularios  excepta  sit :  Misc- 
rum  populum  R.  qui  sub  tarn  lends  maxillis  erit.] 

105,  6.  Callus.  Vid.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  i.  fag.  6.  [In  8  Gal- 
lus  proposes  honors  to  Tiberius  ;  in  12  he  offends  the  emperor  by  an 
indiscreet  question  regarding  the  division  of  power,  and  then  at- 
tempts to  excuse  himself  Tiberius'  anger  is  not,  however,  appeased.] 
lib.  2.  fag.  jj".  [In  35,  36,  Gallus  again  comes  into  opposition. 
Note  that  in  in,  i,  294,  he  had  spoken  against  Silius,  and  that 
Arruntius  was  surprised  thereby.] 

105,  9.   good  vultures.   The  allusion  is  to  that  branch  of 
augury  called  ornithomancy,  or  divination  by  birds,   whereof  the 
method  is  expounded  at  length  in  Jonson's  notes  to  the  Masque  of 
Augurs.   "  Secundis  avibus  "  meant  auspiciously.   The  flight  of  vul- 
tures was  of  special  importance,  perhaps  because  they  had  been  of 
such  assistance  to  Romulus  in  determining  the  site  of  Rome. 

106,  14.    Dearest  head.   "Carum"   or  "carissimum  ca- 
put "   is  a  frequent  Latin  expression.   Jonson,  in   Catiline,  iv,  ii, 
makes  Catulus  call  Catiline  "impudent  head." 

106,  16.  Sir.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  8j.  [39.  Lines  16-42  are 
directly  translated  from  Tacitus'  account  of  the  interview,  with 
very  unimportant  expansions.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  this  interview 
was  actually  carried  on  by  letter  (compare  95-6),  according  to  the 
remarkable  practice  introduced  by  Caesar  and  followed  by  Augustus 
and  Tiberius.] 

106,  27.  worthie  his  alliance.  Filia  ejus  Claudii  flio 

desponsa.  [Ann.,  in,  29.  Claudius,  later  the  Emperor  Claudius,  was 
the  son  of  Drusus,  brother  of  Tiberius.  His  son  Drusus,  here  re- 
ferred to,  died  soon  after  this  betrothal.] 

107,  46-89.  The  rest  of  mortall  men.  This  passage  is 
again  an  almost  literal  translation  of  Tac.,  Ann.,  iv,  40.    It  did  not 
seem  necessary  to  give  either  this  or  cap.  39,  as,  besides  the  fact 
that  they  would  occupy  much  space,  the  method  that  Jonson  em- 
ployed in  dealing  with  such  portions  of  Tacitus  has  been  sufficiently 
illustrated  in  the  preceding  scene. 


250  .notes 

107,  49.    Still  to  fame.    Different  from  that  in  MuXapka, 
by  Fulke  Greville,  i,  i : 

For  Power  may  be  ftar'd  ;  Empire  ador'd; 
Good  fortune  wooed,  and  followed  for  ambition: 
Rewards  may  make  knees  bow;  and  selfc-love  humble; 
But  Love  is  onely  that  which  princes  covet. 

108,  S3-    i°  the  family.   Livia  was  the  daughter  of  Tiberius' 
brother  Drusus,  hence  Tiberius'  niece,  and  granddaughter  of  Li  via 
Augusta,  Tiberius'  mother. 

108,  65.  Caius  Caesar:  August.  Nepoti  &  M.  yifiani; 

Agrippat  filio  ex  Julia.    He  died  in  A.D.  4  ;  see  note  on  36,  213. 

108,67.  a  private  gentleman.  Sejanus  was  of  a  muni- 
cipal equestrian  family  (see  Argument},  and  hence  not  comparable 
in  rank  with  Livia,  a  daughter  of  the  reigning  house.  Tiberius, 
besides  having  been  adopted  by  Augustus,  sprang  of  the  Claudii,  one 
of  the  oldest,  noblest,  and  most  famous  of  the  Roman  families  (com- 
pare note  on  78,  45).  Livia,  as  his  niece,  shared  these  honors 

IO9i  93-  How  pleaseth  Caesar.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pa.  8j. 
[41]  Dm.  lib.  j<?.  [But  I  do  not  find  that  Dio  says  that  Sejanus 
induced  Tiberius  to  leave  Rome;  in  fact,  in  57,  n,  he  says  that 
the  tradition  ran  that  Tiberius  removed  to  Capreae  on  account  of 
the  continual  interference  of  his  mother  in  public  affairs  ;  compare 
72,  210  ff] 

HO,  99  ff  Dull,  heavie  Caesar.  Compare  Timb.,  p.  40: 
"  But  princes  that  neglect  their  proper  office  thus  their  fortune  is 
oftentimes  to  draw  a  Sejanus  to  be  near  about  them,  who  will  at  last 
affect  to  get  above  them,  and  put  them  in  a  worthy  fear  of  rooting 
both  them  out  and  their  family.  For  no  men  hate  an  evil  prince 
more  than  they  that  helped  to  make  him  such." 

no,  104-5.  I  would  .  .  .  prevent  that  change. 
Sejanus  means  that  he  will  prevent  Tiberius  from  executing  the 
same  plan  for  placating  the  public  that  he  has  himself  in  mind  ;  see 
74,  261  ff.,  and  Timf>.,  p.  38  :  "A  prince  should  exercise  his  cru- 
elty not  by  himself,  but  by  his  ministers;  so  he  may  save  himself 
and  his  dignity  with  the  people  by  sacrificing  those  when  he  list, 
saith  the  great  doctor  of  state,  MachiavelL"  Schclling  with  that 
passage  compares  "  Overbury's  characterization  of  the  host  as  one 


251 


that  '  hath  gotten  the  trick  of  greatness,  to  lay  all  mislikes  upon  his 
servants'  (Characters,  ed.  London,  1856,  p.  71)."  And  see 
Bacon,  Of  Envy  :  "  Lastly,  to  conclude  this  part;  as  we  said  in  the 
beginning  that  the  act  of  envy  had  somewhat  in  it  of  witchcraft, 
so  there  is  no  other  cure  of  envy  but  the  cure  of  witchcraft  ;  and 
that  is,  to  remove  the  lot  (as  they  call  it)  and  to  lay  it  upon  another. 
For  which  purpose,  the  wiser  sort  of  great  persons  bring  in  ever  upon 
the  stage  somebody  upon  whom  to  derive  the  envy  that  would  come 
upon  themselves  ;  sometimes  upon  ministers  and  servants;  sometimes 
upon  colleagues  and  associates  ;  and  the  like  ;  and  for  that  turn  there 
are  never  wanting  some  persons  of  violent  and  undertaking  natures, 
who,  so  they  may  have  power  and  business,  will  take  it  at  any  cost." 
Dio,  indeed,  says,  58,  12,  that,  after  the  downfall  of  Sejanus,  "as 
usually  happens,  they  laid  the  responsibility  for  their  previous  misfor- 
tunes upon  the  dead  man  and  charged  the  emperor  with  few  or  none 
of  them.  Of  the  most  of  this  unjust  treatment,  they  said,  he  had 
been  ignorant,  and  he  had  been  forced  into  the  rest  against  his 
will." 

IIO,  no.  hemlocke  :  not  the  tree,  but  a  poisonous  plant, 
Conium  maculatum.  The  mandrake  is  a  poisonous  plant  of  the  genus 
Mandragora. 

IIO,  H4rF.  to  thy  lusts.  The  curious  may  compare  Suet.  , 
Tib.,  42-6,  as  to  the  stories  in  vogue  concerning  the  secret  vices 
of  Tiberius.  He  was  thought  to  have  retired  to  Capri  for  their  more 
secure  indulgence.  There  is,  of  course,  dispute  as  to  the  truth  of 
these  allegations.  Some  scholars,  like  Tarver  and  Beesly,  regard 
them  as  utterly  unjustified;  but  perhaps  the  soundest  view  is  that  of 
Boissier,  Tacite,  120,  though,  to  be  sure,  he  is  not  discussing  the 
point  in  question,  but  rather  the  general  problem  of  the  correctness 
of  Tacitus  and  Suetonius. 

in,  123.  ease,  and  pleasure.  Tac.  ibid.  [From  line 
115  on  the  speech  is  an  almost  literal  translation  of  iv,  41,  with 
some  rearrangement  of  ideas.] 

112,  10,   Compare  141,  219-20. 

112,  15-24.  Those  are  the  dreadfull  enemies.  With 
this  passage,  cf.  Mach  ,  Disc.,  HI,  6  :  "  Debbe  adunque  un  principe 
che  si  vuole  guardare  dalle  congiure,  temere  piu  coloro  a  chi  egli  ha 
fatto  troppi  piaceri,  che  a  quelli  a  chi  egli  ha  fatto  troppe  ingiure; 


252  jjiote* 

perche  questi  mancano  di  comodita,  quelli  ne  abbondano;  e  la  voglia 
e  simile,  perche  egli  e  cosi  grande  o  maggiore  il  desiderio  del  domi- 
nare,  che  non  e  qucllo  della  vendetta.  Debbono  pcrtanto  dare  tanta 
autorita  agli  loro  amici,  che  da  quella  al  principato  sia  qualche  inter- 
vallo,  e  che  vi  sia  in  mezzo  qualche  coca  da  desiderare,  altrimcnte 
sari  cosa  ran  ae  non  interveni  loro  come  ai  principi  soprascritti." 

113,  25.  Macro.  DC  Macrone  iito,  via".  Dio.  Rom.  Hitt.  lib. 
38.  fag.  fi8.  [apparently  9  ff.]  &  Toe.  Ann.  lib.  6.  fag.  JOQ. 
114.  us-  [29,  46,  47] 

113,  29  if.   that   aconite,   etc.  Whalley  quote*   Pliny, 
Natural  //it/cry,  xxvii,  2  :   "  Hoc  quoque  tamen  in  usus  humanae 
salutis  vertere ;  scorpionum  ictibui  adversari  experiendo,  datum  in 
vino  calido."   And  Dyce,  in  his  edition  of  Webster,  Appiut  and 
Virginia,  notes  use  of  the  same  thought : 

O  my  Claudius, 

Observe  this  rule,  —  one  ill  must  cure  another; 
As  aconitum,  a  strong  poison,  brings 
A  present  cure  against  all  serpents'  stings. 

Plants  of  the  genus  Aconitum  have  certain  medicinal  uses,  but  they 

furnish  no  antidotes. 

114,  47-  to  depart  The  citie.  Suet.  Tib.  cap.  4.  [a  mis- 
print for  40]  DID.  Rom.  Hitt.  lib.  j£.  fag.  7/7  [l]. 

114,  48.  Campania  :  the  Latin,  originally  Greek,  name  of 
the  region  in  middle  Italy  bounded  by  Latium,  Samnium,  Lucania, 
and  the  Mediterranean.  Capua,  Nola,  Pompeii,  Herculaneum  were 
contained  in  it. 

114,  51.    Capua  .  .  .  Nola.   Suet.  Tib.  cap.  40.  Toe.  Ann. 
lib.  4.  pa.  9i.  [57] 

115,  80  ff.  thinke,  and  use  thy  meanes.  Cent.  Suet. 
Tib.  cap.  65.  [Seianum  res  novas  molientem,  quamvis  iam  et  nata- 
lem  eius  publice  celebrari  et  imagines  aureas  coli  passim  videret,  vix 
tandem  et  astu  magis  ac  dolo  quam  principal!  auctoritate  subvertit.] 
et  Dion.  Hitt.  Rom.  lib.  jS.  fag.  7/4.  [Apparently  4,  though  the 
reference  is  not  clear,  since  Dio  in  that  chapter  merely  points  out 
that  Sejanus  had  Tiberius  in  the  toils  and  that  the  latter  was  per- 
haps beginning  to  get  suspicious.] 

116,  93.  But  joy,  that  he  bids  me.  De  Macront,  »t  i*- 

genio  ejuit  nntul.    Taut.  Ann.  lib.  6.  fag.  1/4.  /tj.  [46,  47] 


253 

117,  ii4ff.  He  that  will  thrive  in  state.  Compare 

Jonson's  fragment,  Mortimer : 

But  we 

That  draw  the  subtile  and  more  piercing  air, 
In  that  sublimed  region  of  a  court, 
Know  all  is  good,  we  make  so;  and  go  on 
Secured  by  the  prosperity  of  our  crimes. 
To-day  is  Mortimer  made  Earl  of  March. 
For  what  ?  For  that,  the  very  thinking  it 
Would  make  a  citizen  start  ;   some  politic  tradesman 
Curl  with  the  caution  of  a  constable. 

Iiy,  1 1 6.  wilder.  Whalley  desired  to  substitute  "wider." 
117,  118.  Mens  fortune  there  is  vertue.  An  interesting 
parallel  in  thought  and  language  is  afforded  by  the  sentence  "La 
fortune  est  la  vertu,"  put  by  Balzac  into  the  mouth  of,  I  believe, 
Vautrin,  and  serving  as  the  nucleus  for  a  philosophy  of  success  quite 
like  that  here  developed  on  a  less  extended  scale  by  Macro.  See  the 
article  Leggendo  Balzac  by  Scipio  Sighele,  Nuova  Antologia,  1908, 
1 6th  November,  p.  177.  And  for  the  distinction  between  public 
and  private  morality,  see  the  same  article,  p.  167,  and  Villari's 
Vita  di  Machia-velli,  bk.  n,  ch.  3. 

117,  119.  their  observance:  i.  e. ,  observance  of  them. 
What  they  choose  to  do  is  law,  and  to  observe  them  and  regulate 
one's  own  actions  accordingly,  is  skill  in  getting  on  in  the  world. 

117,  122-4.  the  lust  of  Caesars  power.  Fid.  Dion. 

Hist.  Rom.  lib.  58.  fag.  Ji8.  &c.  [These  pages  merely  relate  the 
proceedings  of  Tiberius  against  Sejanus,  see  following  acts  ;  they 
have  no  close  connection  with  the  present  passage,  except  as  Macro's 
words  are  descriptive  of  what  Tiberius  did  with  reference  to  his 
minister.] 

118,  4-7.  Let  it  be  sodaine.  Luc.,  Phars.,  H,  14-5  : 

Sit  subitum,  quodcumque  paras:  sit  caeca  futuri 
Mens  hominum  fati  :  liceat  sperare  timenti. 
In  The  Misfortunes  of  Arthur,  i,  iv: 

What  shouldst  thou  fear,  that  see'st  not  what  to  hope  ? 
where  the  editor  quotes  Paradise  Regained,  m,  206.    Moreover, 
see  The  City  of  Dreadful  Night,  iv  : 

But  I  strode  on  austere  ; 
No  hope  could  have  no  fear. 


254 

Perhaps  the  original  is  in  Arist. ,  Rhct. ,  11,  5  :  "  They  have  no  fear, 
for  they  have  lost  all  hope,  whereas  in  order  that  fear  may  be  pos- 
sible there  must  still  be  some  underlying  hope  of  preservation  from 
the  evil  which  causes  their  agony."  ( Welldon's  translation.) 

1 1 8,  14.    Choose   once  to  fall.   Cf.   Seneca,   Di  Bent/., 
II,  v:  "  Nihil  aequc  amarum  quam  diu  pendere.   aequiore  quidam 
animo  ferunt  praecidi  spem  suam  quam  Irani. ' ' 

The  thought,  in  one  form  or  another,  is  one  of  the  common- 
places of  Renaissance  reflection  ;  cf.  Spenser,  Faerie  is^ueene,  HI, 
4,  38.  The  opening  lines  of  this  stanza  also  somewhat  suggest  1.  9. 

119,  21.    Claudia  Pulchra.   Pulchra  et   Furniui    damxat. 
Tat.  ibid.   [  Afer  accused  Claudia  Pulchra  of  adultery  with  Furnius, 
and  of  plotting  by  poison  against  Tiberius.] 

119,  23.  added  reputation.  Afcr  primoribui  oratorum 
a dditus,  di-vulgato  ingenio,  (Stc.  ibid.  [Tac.,  iv,  52.] 

119,  28    cause  of  raging  must  forsake  him.  An 

adaptation  of  Sen.,  De  Clem.,  i,  8  :  "  Voluntas  oportet  ante  saevi- 
endi  quam  causa  deficiat. " 

119,  36.  some  action,  like  offence.  ThU  suggests  Juv., 

',  73-4: 

aude  aliquid  brevibus  GyarU  et  carcere  dignum, 
si  vis  esse  aliquid. 

120,  47-  Tiberius  sitting.  Toe.  Ann.  lib.  j.p*.  91.  [59. 
Ac  forte   illis  diebus  oblatum  Cacsari  anceps  periculum  auxit  vana 
rumoris  praebuitque  ipsi  materiem,  cur  amicitiae  constantiaeque  Seiani 
magis  fideret.   vescebantur  in  villa,  cui  vocabulum  Speluncae,  mare 
Amunclanum  inter  et  Fundanos  monies,  nativo  in  specu.   eius  os 
lapsis  repente  sails  obruit  quosdam  ministros  :  hinc  metus  in  omnes 
et  fuga  eorum,  qui  convivium  celebrabant.   Seianus  genu  vultuque  et 
manibus  super  Carsarem  suspensus  opposuit  aese  incidentibus,  atque 
habitu  tali  repertus  est  a  militibus,  qui  subsidio  venerant.    maior  ex 
co,  et  quamquam  exitiosa  suaderet,  ut  non  sui  anxius,  cum  fide  audie- 
batur.) 

I2O,  48.  Spelunca.  Prattorium  Sutto.  appelat.  Tib.  cap.  39. 
[A  "  praetorium  "  appears  to  have  been  somewhat  more  splendid 
than  a  "villa."] 

For  the  word  "sited,"  Cunningham  compares  "Above  were 
sited  the  masquers,"  from  Jonson's  .Maifue  of  IQutent. 


255 

120,  49.  Fundane  :  from  Lat.  Fundanus,  of  or  near  Fundi, 
now  Fondi,  about  halfway  between  Rome  and  Naples. 

120,  58.    He  hath  SO  fixt  himselfe  :   Pracbuitque  if  si  ma- 
tcriem,  cur  amicitiae  constantiaeque  Sejani  magis  fideret.   Tacit,  ibid, 
[See  under  47  above.] 

121,  68.  to  exercise  Your  vertue.   Compare  Sen.,  De 
Prov. ,  ii,  where  he  is  proving  that  misfortune  is  educational ;  the 
good  man,  he  says,  "omnia  ad  versa  exercitationes  putat."   And 
iv  :  "  Non  est  arbor  solida  nee  fords,  nisi  in  quam  frequens  ventus 
incursat.  ipsa  enim  vexatione  constringitur  et  radices  certius  figit." 

121,  4.    remove:  the  reference  is  to  the  stages  of  Tiberius' 
journey. 

122.  An   Upper  Room.   The  stage-direction  is  Gifford's; 
the  probability  is  that  Latiaris,  Rufus,  and  Opsius  enter  upon  the 
balcony  that  we  know  to  have  formed  a  part  of  the  Elizabethan 
stage,  and  that  Latiaris  and  Sabinus  in  1.  23  enter  upon  the  main 
stage.    If  this  is  the  arrangement,  however,  the  action  at  1.  125  is 
not  easy  to  comprehend.    In  any  case,  if  Rufus  and  Opsius  are  really 
placed  ' '  between  the   roof  and  ceiling, ' '  as  Tacitus  says  (see  1.  3 
and  note),  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  they  can  have  suddenly  "  rushed 
in."   It  looks  as  though  Jonson,  anxious  to  preserve  the  language 
of  his  authority,  failed  to  see  that  it  was  not  quite  suitable  to  the 
stage  situation.   Tacitus  says  nothing  about  any  rushing  in,  but  merely 
states  that,  after  overhearing  Sabinus,  the  spies  sent  an  accusation  to 
Caesar.   A  solution  of  the  problem  is  perhaps  afforded  by  Professor 
Baker's  suggestion,  Development  of  Shakespeare  as  a  Dramatist,  p. 
82,  concerning  the  possible  existence  of  a  stairway  on  the  Eliza- 
bethan stage. 

122,  I.  a  Service,  great  SejanuS.  Sabinum  adgrediuntur 
cupidine  consulates,  ad  quern  non  nisi  per  Sejanum  aditus :  neque  Se- 
jani •voluntas,  nisi  scelere  quaerebatur.  Tac.  lib.  4..  fag.  g<f.  [68] 
Dio.  Hist.  Rom.  lib.  58.  pag.  7/7.  [i] 

With  some  few  changes  and  rearrangements  this  scene  follows 
pretty  closely  Tac.,  iv,  68,  69.  The  dialogue  is  considerably  ex- 
panded, the  number  of  those  concerned  reduced,  and  the  apprehen- 
sion of  Sabinus,  as  above  suggested,  altered  in  manner.  But  the 
principal  ideas  of  the  speakers,  and  the  general  facts  of  the  situation 
are  well-nigh  all,  even  though  briefly,  indicated  by  Tacitus.  It  does 
not  seem  necessary  to  quote  in  full. 


256 

122,  3.  betweene  the  roofe,  and  seeling.   Tacitus' 

words  are:  "  tectum  inter  et  laquearia." 

123,  10-13.  an  observer  of  his  wife,  And  children. 

Eojue  apud  bonot  laudatus,  et  gravii  rniyuii.    Toe.  ibid. 

123,  11.   Shift  to  Our  holes.   Haul  minus  turpi  latebra  <fuam 
deteaanda  fraudet  test  abstrudunt ;  foraminibui  &  rimli  aurem  ad- 
movent.   [A  quotation  from  Tacitus.] 

124,  39.   yea  our  bed.    Ne   Nox  qutdtm  tecura   cum  itxor 
(Neronii)  vigi/ias,  somnos,   tuspiria  matrl   Lrviae,  atyue  ilia  Sejant 
patefacereU     Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  fa.  qa.   [60.  Nero's  wife  was  Julia, 
daughter  of  Drusus  and  Livia.] 

124,  50  ff.  The  Genius  of  the  Romane  race.  Machia- 

velli,  in  chapter  v  of  The  Prince,  points  out  with  what  tenacity  the 
citizens  of  what  was  once  a  republic  hold  to  their  ancient  notions 
of  liberty,  and  how  the  "  name  of  liberty  "  tervet  as  a  rallying-cry 
for  disaffection  and  rebellion. 

125.  53-  Which  no  good  man.  Sallust,  Catf/ina,  xxxni: 
"ted  libertatem,  quam  nemo  bonus  nisi  cum  anima  simul  amirtit." 

!25.  69-74.  'Twere  better  Stay.  This  speech  of  Sabinus, 
as  well  as,  in  a  measure  at  least,  that  of  Silius,  46,  141  ff. ,  is  obvious- 
ly anachronistic,  for,  as  Janet  says  (Hi  noire  de  la  Science  Polinyuc,  n, 
36),  the  right  of  armed  resistance  was  in  antiquity  uncontested. 
Indeed,  it  is  flatly  inconsistent  to  represent  a  Roman  of  the  type  of 
Sabinus,  especially  considering  the  ancestral  hatred  that  all  Romans 
bore  to  the  name  and  institution  of  king,  as  imbued  with  this  super- 
stitious reverence  for  the  doctrine  of  non-resistance.  Moreover, 
throughout  the  Empire,  successful  revolution  was  its  own  justifica- 
tion, in  practice,  if  not  always  in  theory. 

Jonson  of  course  knew  these  facts  well  enough,  but  he  was  deal- 
ing with  a  more  or  less  difficult  subject,  considering  the  well-known 
views  of  James  I  and  the  events  of  1 600- 1 604  (see  note  on  23,  4 ' ). 
An  anchor  cast  to  windward  might  prove  extremely  useful  under 
the  hard  conditions  that  the  times  laid  upon  writers  who  meddled 
with  politic*.  It  is  worth  noting  that  the  orthodox  political  philo- 
sophy of  the  sixteenth  century  in  England  contemplated  an  absolute 
monarchy  as  the  ideal  form  of  government  (see  Einstein,  The  Ital- 
ian Renalaanct  In  England,  p.  295) ;  moreover,  the  doctrine  of  re- 
sistance to  authority  had  often  been  urged  by  Puritan  writers  (see 


ote0  257 

S.  R.  Maitland,  The  Reformation  in  England,  Essays  v,  vi,  vn), 
and  Jonson  would  be  careful  not  to  run  the  risk  of  agreement  with 
them.  It  was  a  doctrine  perhaps  too  closely  allied  with  that  of  tyran- 
nicide for  comfort. 

Compare  Timb.,  p.  33:  "  After  God,  nothing  is  to  be  loved  of 
man  like  the  prince ;  he  violates  Nature  that  doth  it  not  with  his 
whole  heart.  .  .  .  He  is  the  arbiter  of  life  and  death  :  when  he 
finds  no  other  subject  for  his  mercy,  he  should  spare  himself.  All 
his  punishments  are  rather  to  correct  than  to  destroy." 

126,  73.  A  good  man  should.  Compare  132,  35  ff.,  and 
see  Crawford's  article  on  Ben  Jonson  and  the  "  Bloody  Brother," 
Shakespeare  Jahrbuch,  1905,  for  a  number  of  interesting  parallels, 
both  from  that  play  and  from  other  works  of  Jonson.  1  give  the 
closest : 

Know  yet,  my  sons,  when  of  necessity 
You  must  deceive  or  be  deceiv'd,  'tis  better 
To  suffer  treason,  than  to  act  the  traitor. 

Bloody  Brother,  i,  i. 

Cf.  also  Scntentiaefalsolnter  Publilianas  receftae,  ed.  Woelfflin,  38 1 : 
"  Veri  boni  est  pati,  non  facere  iniuriam"  ;  and  Sallust,  Jugurtha, 
XLII:  "sed  bono  vinci  satius  est  quam  malo  more  iniuriam  vin- 
cere. ' * 

126,  82.  his  ulcerous  .  .  .  face.  Fades  ulccrosa,  ac 
plerumque  medicam'tnibus  inter  stlncta.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  18  \^l^\pog- 

91-  tiv»  57] 

126,  83.  Rhodes.  Tac.  ibid. 

Gifford  has  the  following  note  :  "  Whalley  observes,  that  Jonson 
has  confounded  two  events  very  distinct  in  time.  The  residence  of 
Tiberius  at  Rhodes  took  place  during  the  life  of  Augustus,  and  he 
was  now  at  Capua,  as  the  author  well  knew,  and  indeed  expressly 
mentions  just  below.  Either  this  is  one  of  the  inadvertencies  to 
which  the  correctest  minds  are  occasionally  subject ;  or,  as  I  rather 
think,  a  line  has  dropped  out,  and  been  subsequently  overlooked. 
Perhaps  the  passage  might  have  originally  stood  somewhat  in  this 
way  : 

.    .   .   gives  Caesar  leave 
To  hide  his  ulcerous  and  anointed  face, 
With  his  bald  crown,  and  ply  his  secret  lusts, 
As  once  he  did,  at  Rhodes,  &c." 


258  _f$otrs 

Had  either  Giffbrd  or  Whalley  examined  more  carefully  Tacitui,  IT, 
57,  the  difficulty  would  at  once  have  been  explained  ;  for  Tacitus, 
after  the  passage  quoted  under  82,  goes  on  :  "  et  Rhodi  secreto  vitare 
coetus,  recondere  voluptates  insuerat."  That  is,  in  translating  more 
or  lest  literally,  Jonson  overlooked  the  pluperfect  form  insuerat,  and 
failed  to  observe  the  resulting  discrepancy  in  the  matter  of  time.  No- 
thing, of  course,  has  dropped  out.  Strangely  enough,  Clifford  adds 
the  passage  from  Tacitus  to  Jonson's  note  without  perceiving  the 
true  explanation- 

126,  84.  Upon  the  heads.  Sen.,  Ad  Marc.,  22:  "quod 
tacitus  ferre  non  potuerat  Seianum  in  cervices  nostras  ne  imponi 
quidem,  sed  escendere." 

127,  97.   to  poyson  her.    Tae.  Ann.  lib.  4,  fag.  po.  [54] 

127,  101.  To  worke  on  Nero.   Tat.  lib.  tod.  fag.  91. 

92-  [59-6o] 

128,  ne.  him  he  clasp's.   Toe.  ibid. 

129,  133.    You   doe   well.    Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  fag.  94.  95. 
[70-    Sed  Caesar  sollemnia  incipient!*  anni  kalendis  lanuariis  epistuU 
precatus,  vertit  in  Sabinum,  corruptos  quosdam  libertorum  et  peti- 
tum  se  arguens,  ultionemque  haud  obscure  poscebat.   nee  mora  quin 
decerneretur;  et  trahrbatur  damrutus,  quantum  obducta  veste  et  ad- 
strictis  taucibus  niti  poterat,  clamitans  sic  inchoari  annum,  has  Seiano 
victimai  cadere.] 

129,  138.  hide  his  face.  Gifford's  note  is  :  "Alluding  to 
the  form  by  which  a  criminal  was  condemned  to  death:  '  1,  lie  tor, 
colliga  manus,  caput  obnubito,"  etc." 

129,  139.  Forbear  your  rude  assault:   paralleled  by 

"Forbear  your  rude  attempt,"  in  Jonson's  Matyue  of  Hymen. 

129,2.  Your  mother,  and  your  brothers.  Tac.M.j. 
fag  98.  [3] 

129,  3.    Callus.   Aiintum  Gall,  eodem  die  &  comrivam  Tibt- 
rii  fuine,  el  to  tubornante  damnation,   narrat.    Dio.    lib.  jS.  fag. 

7*3-  [3] 

ISO,  7.  whose  hopes.  Tacitus,  as  above:  "  donee  pauci, 
quis  nulla  ex  honesto  spes  (et  publica  mala  singulis  in  occasionera 
gratiae  trahuntur),  ut."  .  .  . 

130,  12.    Capreae  :  it  was  there  that  Tiberius  had  by  this  time 
established  himself;  he  did  not  return  to  the  city  after  having  once 
left  it. 


259 

130,  14.    your  mother  is  accus'd.  Vld.  Tac  lib.  tod. 

pig-  <)4-  [This  is  a  misprint,  as  Jonson  intends  to  refer  to  v,  3,  as 
above  ;  Tacitus  says  nothing  about  the  statue  ;  that  comes  from] 
Suet.  Tib.  cap.  53.  [Novissime  calumniatus  modo  ad  statuam  Au- 
gusti  modo  ad  exercitus  confugere  velle.  The  reader  will  notice  the 
effect  of  the  Latin  sentence  structure  on  Jonson's  style.] 

The  statue  of  Augustus  was  of  course  sacred,  though  the  attempt 
(Tac.,  Ann.,  I,  73)  to  surround  it  with  peculiar  veneration  failed 
through  the  good  sense  of  Tiberius.  A  right  of  asylum  attached  to 
the  li-ving  emperor's  image  (Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Lift ,  p.  355, 
n.  7);  Jonson  evidently  believed  that  it  belonged  to  the  emperor's 
image  as  such. 

131,  iff.  Still,  do'st  thou  suffer  heav'n.  Compare  the 
beginning  of  Catil. ,  in,  ii : 

Cic.    Is  there  a  heaven,  and  gods  ?  and  can  it  be 
They  should  so  slowly  hear,  so  slowly  see  ? 

where  Jonson  is  making  use  of  Sen.,  Phaedra,  671—2.  Such  apo- 
strophes are  a  commonplace  in  classical  literature.  See  also  a  passage 
in  Drayton's  Moon- Calf : 

Where  is  thy  thunder,  God,  art  thou  asleep  ? 

131,  9.  pull  thee  by  the  beard.  Whalley  quotes  Pen., 
Sat  ,  n,  28  : 

Idcirco  stolidam  praebet  tibi  vellere  barbam 
Jupiter  ? 

131,  10.  black-lidded  eye.  See  the  song  to  Hercules  in 
Jonson's  Masque,  Pleasure  Reconciled  to  Virtue: 

Wake,  Hercules,  awake ;  but  heave  up  thy  black  eye, 
'Tis  only  asked  from  thee  to  look,  and  these  will  die, 

Or  fly :  — 

Already  they  are  fled, 
Whom  scorn  had  else  left  dead. 
And  so  Spenser,  Mother  Hubberds  Tale,  1228,  speaking  of  Jove, 

...  he  vewes,  with  his  black-lidded  eye. 

One  would  expect  perhaps  a  classical  original  for  the  epithet  "  black- 
lidded,"  but  I  have  not  found  one.  "Black-browed"  is  often 
applied  to  Jove,  and  "  black-lidded  "  may  easily  be  a  natural  devel- 
opment of  the  idea,  heavy  black  brows  being  thought  of  as  shading 
and  darkening  the  eyelid. 


260  p.otro 

131,  ii.  Giant-race.  The  giants,  sons  of  Earth  and  Tarta- 
rus, strove,  by  piling  Ossa  upon  Pelion,  to  scale  heaven  and  dethrone 
Jupiter,  but  tailed. 

131,  16.  equall  with  a  prodigie.  Juv.,  Sat.,  iv,  96-7: 

sed  olim 
prodigio  par  est  in  nobilitate  senectus. 

131,  1 8.    Lepidus.   Dt  Ltpido  iao,  vid.   Tac.  Ann.  lib.  /, 
fag.  6.  [13]  lib.  j.  fag.  60.  [35]  6j.  [50]  et  lib.  4.  fag.  8l.  [10. 
See  under  89,  i  55-J 

J32>  Z5-    Gemonies.   See  under  51  below. 

I32i  ~~i-  His  faithfull  dogge.  Dio.  Rom.  kia.  lib.  jS. 
fag.  712.  [i.  But  Dio  says  that  the  dog  was  thrown  into  the  river, 
after  accompanying  Sabinus  thus  far]  et  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  4.  fag.  gj. 
[68-70.  Tacitus  says  nothing  about  the  dog.] 

132,  3 1 .  the  hooke.  See  notes  on  75,  I  J,  and  on  5  I  below. 
132,  36.    None,  but.    Tac.  com.  Ann.  lib.  4.  p.  80.  [10.    See 

under  89,  155  ff.  ;  it  will  be  noticed  that  the  words  of  Lepidus  are 
not  quite  consistent  with  the  historical  facts,  since,  as  Tacitus  tells 
us,  he  enjoyed  the  constant  favor  of  Tiberius.] 

132,  37-8.  Never  stretch  These  armes.  GiffordTiw 
the  following  note  :  "  This  is  from  Juvenal,  as  are  many  other  short 
passages  in  this  scene  ;  to  which  Persius  also  contributes.  Jonton 
seems  almost  afraid  to  trust  himself  out  of  the  classics."  See  Juv., 

IT,    89: 

ille  igitur  numquam  derexit  brachia  contra 
torrentem. 
!33»  43-  In  secret  .  .  .  or  aloud.  Pen.,  Sat.,  i,  119 : 

me  muttire  nefas  ?  nee  clam,  nee  cum  scrobe  ? 
and  for  what  follows,  compare  Tac.,  Ann.t  iv,  69:  "nun  alias  magis 
anxia  et  pavens  civitas,  reticens  adversum  proximos  ;   congressus, 
conloquia,  notae  ignotaeque  aures  vitari ;  etiam  muta  atque  ininima, 
tectum  et  parietes  circumspectabantur. " 
Cf.  Massingrr,  Rom.  Act.,  i,  i: 

What  times  are  these  ! 

To  what's  Rome  fallen!  may  we,  being  alone, 
Speak  our  thoughts  freely  of  the  prince  and  state, 
And  not  fear  the  informer  ? 


261 

133,  45-46.  Yes,  I  must.  That  is  :  if  I  pray  aloud,  1  can- 
not help  cursing  Tiberius  or  Sejanus. 

133,51.  Gemonies.  Scalac  Gcmoniae  futrunt  in  A-vcntino, 
prope  Templum  Junonis  reginae  a  Camilla  captls  f^eiis,  dicatum  :  A 
gemitu  et  planctu  dictai  -vu/t  Rhodig.  In  rjuas  contumeliac  causa  cada- 
ver a  projecta.  aliquando  a  Carnifice  unco  trahtbantur.  Vid.  Tac. 
Suet.  Dio.  Senec.  Juvenal. 

*33»  53-  violent  eare.  Juv.,iv,  86:  "sed  quid  violentiu* 
aure  tyranni  ?  ' ' 

133,  54.  No  place.  Cunningham  quotes  from  Pope'i  Epistle 
to  Dr.  Ar  but  knot  t  Jl-12: 

No  place  is  sacred,  not  the  church  is  free ; 
Ev'n  Sunday  shines  no  Sabbath-day  to  me. 

I33>  55-  most  sacred  times.  The  New  Year  was  a  sacred 
period,  and  it  was  then  that  Sabinus  was  put  to  death;  Tacitus  says, 
"  foedum  anni  principium  incessit,"  and  see  Ann.y  iv,  70,  where  he 
enlarges  upon  the  thought  that  no  day,  even  of  the  sacred  days,  was 
free.  So  Suet. ,  Tib.,  6 1  :  "  Nullus  a  poena  hominum  cessavit  dies, 
ne  religiosus  quidem  ac  sacer;  animadversum  in  quosdam  ineunte 
anno  novo." 

J33t  57  **•  &M  occasion  pleaseth.  See  Sen.,  De  Bencf., 

in,  26  :  "Sub  Tiberio  Caesare  fuit  accusandi  frequens  et  paene  pub- 
lica  rabies,  quae  omni  civili  bello  gravius  togatam  civitatem  confecit: 
excipiebatur  ebriorum  sermo,  simplicitas  iocantium.  nihil  erat  tutum. 
omnis  saeviendi  placebat  occasio.  nee  iam  reorum  exspectabatur 
eventus,  cum  esset  unus." 

133,  64.   LaCO.   De  Lacon.  -vid.  Dio.  Rom.  Hist.  lib.  j8.  fag. 
718.  [9] 

134,  72.    into   Pontia.    Suet.    Tib.   cap.  54.    Pontia  is  the 
modern  Ponza,  principal  island  of  the  Ponza  group  (see  under  77 
below)  ;  it  was  employed  by  the  emperors  as  a  place  of  confine- 
ment. 

I34>  75-    DfUSUS.  Suet.  ibid. 

J34»  77-  to  Pandataria.  Suet.  Tib.  cap.  53.  Pandataria 
(now  Vandotena,  Ventotena),  an  island  of  the  group  anciently  known 
as  Pontiae  (now  Ponza)  in  the  Tyrrhenian  sea  not  far  from  Naples, 
served  as  a  state  prison  for  Julia,  Agrippina,  and  Octavia. 


262  .Ootrs 

134i  ?8  ff-    Bolts,  Vulcan.  The  blue-eyed  maid  is   Ptllai ; 

Alcides  is  Hercules.   The  whole  passage  is  an  adaptation  of  JUT., 

auii, 78-83: 

per  Solis  radios  Tarpeiaque  fulmina  iurat 
et  Martis  framearn  et  Cirrhaci  spicula  vatis, 
per  calamus  venatricis  pharetramque  puellae 
perque  tuum,  pater  Aegaei  Neptune,  tridentem, 
addit  et  Herculeos  arc  us  haitamquc  Mincrvae, 
quidquid  habent  telorum  armamentaria  caeli. 

135,  85.  The  complement.  Tacit,  vid.  jinn.  lib.  3.  pag. 

62.  [38.   See  under  28,  67.] 

*35,  88-  Caesars  letters.  Tat.  lib.  5.  Ann.  pag.  <?8.  £4  s 
simul  populus  effigies  Agrippinae  ac  Neronis  gerens  circumsistit 
curiam  faustisque  in  Caesarem  ominibus  falsa*  litteras  et  principe 
invito  exitium  domui  eius  intend!  clamitat.] 

135,  102.   Greeke-Sinon.   The  compound  is  a  curious  one. 
Sinon  induced  the  Trojans  to  transport  the  wooden  horse  within  the 
city  walls,  and  so  deceitfully  brought  about  the  fall  of  Ilium. 

136,  105.    night-eyed.    Tiberiut  in  tenebrit  videra.   testibut 
Dion.  Hist.  Rom.  lib.  57.  fag  fx)t.   [»]  Et  Plini.  Nat.  Hist.  lib. 
It.  cap.  37. 

136, 1 1 5  ff.  monster ;  forfeited  to  vice.  Juv.,  IT,  1-4 : 

monstrum  nulla  virtute  redemptum 
a  vitiis,  aegrae  solaque  libidine  fortes 
deliciae. 

136,  117.  His  lothed  person.  Cent.  Tac.  Ann.  Kb.  4. 
fag.  qi.  [57,  describing  Tiberius'  person.  Jonson's  language,  how- 
ever, comes  from  Juv.,  ibid. ,  14-5  : 

quid  agas,  cum  dira  et  focdior  omni 
crimine  persona  est  ?] 

136,  no.  an  obscure  Hand.  fid.  Suet.  Tib.  dt  uceau 
Caprcnd.  tap.  43.  Dio.  pag.  7/5.  [5]  Juvt.  Sat.  to.  [94  :  cum 
grege  Chaldaeo.  ] 

136,  112.  his  rout  of  Chaldee's.  Tac.  lib.  Ann*].  6. 
fag.  106.  [zi.  Quotiens  super  tali  negotio  consultant  p.  e.,  about 
astrology],  edita  domus  pane  ac  libcrti  unius  conscicntia  urebatur.  i» 
litterarum  igrurus,  corpore  valido,  per  avia  ac  dcrupta  (rum  taxis 


263 

domus  imminet)  praeibat  eum,  cuius  artem  experiri  Tiberius  statu- 
isset,  et  regredientem,  si  vanitatis  aut  fraudum  suspicio  incesserat, 
in  subiectum  mare  praecipitabat,  ne  index  arcani  exsisteret.]  Dio. 
Rom.  Hist.  lib.  j/.  fag.  job.  [19]  Suet.  Tib.  cap.  62.  [This  is  a 
better  illustration  of  130  ff.  than  of  this  passage.] 

The  science  of  the  stars  had  been  especially  cultivated  in  Chaldea, 
and  so  the  term  Chaldeans  came  to  be  applied  to  those  who  prac- 
tised the  arts  of  divination,  more  particularly  that  of  astrology. 

J37. 13a~3-  that  can  Devise  the  deepest  tortures. 

Suet.  ibid.  [Tib.  cap.  62] 

137,  134.  boyes.  Suet.  Tib.  cap.  44. 

I37>  137-  Some  are  allur'd.   Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  6.  fag.  100. 

[l]  Suet.   Tib.  cap.  43. 

*37>  I43-  not  left  a  name.  Suggested  by  Juv.,  xm,  29-30: 

quorum  sceleri  non  invenit  ipsa 
nomen  et  a  nullo  posuit  natura  metallo, 

X37»  '45-  become  the  ward.  Leg.  Dio.  Rom.  Hist.  lib. 

58.  pag.  714.  [4:  but  again  the  language  is  suggested  by  Juv.,  x, 
90  ff. : 

visne  .  .  .  sicut  Seianus  .  .  . 


tutor  haberi 

principis  ,  .  .  ? 
Compare  185,  285.] 

138,  150.  and  yet  will  sooner  rive.    Compare  Pers., 
ii,  24-5 : 

ignovisse  putas,  quia,  cum  tonat,  ocius  ilex 
sulpure  discutitur  sacro  quam  tuque  domusque  ? 
The  idea  is  almost  a  commonplace  ;  see  Lucian's  Zeus  Cross-exam- 
ined, Luc.,  Phars.,  vn,  449,  and  Fulke  Grcville's  Alaham,vt  iii: 
Ah  powerfull  God  !   why  do'st  thou  thunders  spend  — 
By  chance  or  without  vengeance  —  on  the  plants  ; 
Since  it  is  man,  not  trees,  that  doth  offend  ? 
138.    Pomponius.    De   Pomponio,    &   Minutio,   -via.    Tac. 
Ann.  lib.  6.  [7  and  8] 

138,  152.  These  letters.  Dio  Rom.  Hist.  lib.  jS.  fag. 

7/6.    [6.     "  Tiberius   was  no   longer   uninformed  of  aught  that 


264 

concerned  his  minister.  He  racked  his  brains  to  tee  in  what  manner 
he  might  kill  him,  but,  not  rinding  any  way  in  which  he  might  do 
this  openly  and  safely,  he  treated  both  the  man  himself  and  all  the 
rest  in  a  remarkable  fashion,  so  as  to  gain  an  accurate  knowledge 
of  their  feeling.  He  sent  many  dispatches  of  all  kinds  regarding 
himself  to  Sejanus  and  to  the  senate  incessantly,  saying  at  one  time 
that  he  was  poorly  and  just  at  the  point  of  death,  and  again  that  he 
was  in  exceedingly  good  health  and  would  reach  Rome  directly.  Now 
he  would  strongly  approve  Sejanus  and  again  vehemently  denounce 
him:  some  of  his  companions  he  would  honor  to  show  bis  regard  for 
him,  and  others  he  would  dishonor.  Thus  Sejanus,  filled  in  turn  with 
extreme  elation  and  extreme  fear,  was  always  in  a  flutter.  He  could 
not  decide  to  be  terrified  and  for  that  reason  attempt  a  revolution, 
inasmuch  as  he  was  being  honored,  nor  yet  to  become  bold  enough 
to  attempt  some  desperate  venture,  inasmuch  as  he  was  frequently 
abased.  Moreover,  all  the  rest  of  the  people  were  getting  to  feel 
dubious,  because  they  heard  alternately  and  at  short  intervals  the 
most  contrary  reports,  because  they  could  no  longer  justify  them- 
selves in  either  admiring  or  despising  Sejanus,  and  because  they  were 
wondering  about  Tiberius,  thinking  first  that  he  was  going  to  die 
and  then  that  his  arrival  was  imminent."] 

138,  156.  One  day,  hee's  well.  Dio.  ibid. 

138,  161.  This  man  receives.  Dio.  ibid. 

139,  168.    Heliotrope:   because,  like  some  plants,  he  turns 
constantly  toward   the  sun ;    botanists  call  the  characteristic  helio- 
tropism. 

139,  l?o.  I  Cannot  tell:  a  frequent  Elizabethan  expression, 
equivalent  to  "  I  cannot  understand,"  or  "  I  can't  see." 

139,  171.    New  statues.   Leg.  Tat.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pag.  qb. 

[74] 

I39»  '73-  His  fortune   sworne  by.  Adulationh  plttri 

omnei  ejui  Fortunam  jurabant.  Dio.  Hist.  Rom.  lib.  jS.  fog-  ?'•/• 
[4.  See  also  6.] 

139,174.  Caesars  colleague.  Dio.  pag.  7/4.  [See  above.] 
Suet.  Tib.  cap.  6j. 

!39»  '78-  there  are  letters  come.  Dio.  Hia.  Rom.  lib. 
58.  pag.  7/8.  rtl 

139,  177.   That  would  .  .   .   ArruntlUS.  Cunningham  : 


265 

"These  two  half  lines  are  not  found  in  the  folio  of  1616,  but  are 
added  in  the  folio  of  1640.  They  are  essential  to  the  dialogue,  and 
form  one  circumstance  among  the  many  which  convince  me  that  the 
1 640  text  of  Sejanus  is  deserving  particular  respect.  In  the  last  line 
but  one  in  this  page  [1.  191],  we  have  mixing  (1616)  for  mingling 
(1640),  also  an  improvement.  Gifford  little  thought  that  he  was 
following  the  latter  much  abused  volume. ' '  As  will  be  seen  from 
the  textual  notes,  one  copy  of  F  does  contain  these  readings.  It  will 
be  noticed  that  in  every  case  in  which  Cunningham  has  mentioned 
a  reading  of  F2  in  support  of  his  theory  (see  note  on  the  Motto), 
that  reading  is  to  be  found  in  at  least  one  of  the  three  copies  of  F 
that  I  have  examined. 

139,  1 80.  Pollux  .  .  .  Hercules.  This  is  not  the  place 
to  discuss  at  length  the  conclusions  denying  the  palmary  authority 
of  the  1 6 1 6  Folio  text  arrived  at  by  Van  Dam  and  Stoffel  in  Anglia, 
xxvi,  377  ff.  Their  arguments  seem  to  me,  however,  by  no  means 
final,  especially  as  this  line  with  its  variant  readings  appears  to  furnish 
well-nigh  satisfactory  evidence  that  Jonson  in  at  least  one  instance  did 
concern  himself  with  the  correction  of  the  folio  text. 

Q,FH,FP,G  read  : 

Pom.   By  Castor,  that's  the  worst. 

Arr.  By  Pollux,  best.  (a) 

F  and  the  others  : 

Pom.   By  Pollux,  that's  the  worst. 

Arr,  By  Hercules,  best.  (b) 

Which  is  the  final  reading,  and  who  made  the  change  ? 

Clearly,  the  change  was  intentional,  for  no  compositor  would  make 
the  error  of  setting  up  Pollux  for  Castor,  Hercules  for  Pollux,  or 
vice  versa. 

(b)  is  the  proper,  and  presumably  final  reading,  for  we  know  that 
according  to  Latin  colloquial  usage  the  Roman  women  swore  by 
Castor,  the  men  and  the  women  by  Pollux.  This  fact  was  overlooked 
by  Jonson  in  writing  the  play.  Somebody  later  recognized  and  cor- 
rected the  error,  with  the  result  that  a  further  change  was  demanded 
in  the  second  half  of  the  line,  and  another  common  oath  took  the 
place  of  the  "  By  Pollux  "  of  Arruntius. 

Such  a  change,  made  for  such  a  reason,  was  made  by  a  man  who 


266  j^otrs 

had  not  merely  tome  knowledge  of  Roman  colloquial  usage,  but  also 
a  scrupulous  regard  for  historical  accuracy  in  the  use  of  foreign  idiom; 
are  we  to  look  for  him  in  Will  Stansby'i  printing  office,  about  which 
we  know  almost  nothing,  or  in  a  place  where  we  know  him  al- 
ready to  exist,  namely,  in  the  person  of  the  author  of  the  play  ? 

If  these  remarks  are  not  convincing,  they  at  least  indicate  that 
Van  Dam  and  Stoffel  should  have  taken  into  consideration,  not 
merely  variants  between  the  early  editions  and  the  1616  Folio,  but 
also  the  variants  between  the  various  copies  of  that  Folio,  before  de- 
ciding that  Jonson  had  no  hand  in  the  proof-reading,  and  so  that  it 
has  no  great  authority  in  the  determination  of  his  text. 

139,  181.    Regulus.    De    Regulo.    Cent.  Din.  fag.   7/6*. 

[5«,  9] 

140,  185.  His  partner.  Dio  ibid. 

140,  189.  Sejanus  footing.  Sutt.  Tit.  cap.  63.  [Seianum 
res  novas  molientem  .  .  .  et  astu  mag  is  ac  dolo  quam  principal! 
auctoritate  subverdt.] 

140,  191.  now  ill,  now  well.  Dio.  fag.  7/6.  [See  under 
151  above.] 

140,  197.    with  his  greatnesse,  strong.    Dio.  fag. 

7'4-  [4] 

141,  209.  As  wholly  put  him  out.  Dio.  fag.  7/6.  [See 

under  151  above.] 

141,  215.  Linceus  :  one  of  the  Argonauts,  noted  for  the 
strength  and  keenness  of  his  sight. 

141,  116.  Partner  of  his  cares.   Dio,  58,  4:  Tiberius 

"  termed  him  Sharer  of  his  Cares,  repeating  often  the  phrase  '  My 
Sejanus,'  and  publishing  the  same  by  writing  it  to  the  senate  and  the 
people."  The  phrase,  "  partner  of  your  cares,"  occurs  in  Wilson's 

Andron.   Comnen.,  iv,  i. 

141, 117.  it  'tis  prohibited.  Dio.  Hitt.  Rom.  lib.  38.  fag. 
718.  [8] 

142,  134-    beleeve,  what  they  would  have.    Sen., 
Here.  Fur. ,  3 1 3-4  : 

quod  nimis  miseri  volunt 
hoc  facile  credunt. 

142,  136.  without  his  titles.  Dio.  Hia.  Rtm.  lib.  58. 
ft  7'S.  [8] 


267  _ 

142,  243.    Takes  he  well.   Dio.  fag.  7/7.  [8.  But  Dio 
merely  says  that  Tiberius  appointed  Gaius,  or  Caligula,  priest,  and 
gave  hints  that  the  empire  would  fall  to  him.  There  is  nothing 
about  an  escape  of  Caligula,  for  which  see  preceding  scene.] 

143,  249.    in  the  Consul-ship.  Dio.  ibid.    [8:    "The 
angry  favorite  would  have  begun  rebellious  measures,  especially  as 
the  soldiers  were  ready  to  obey  him  in  everything,  had  he  not  per- 
ceived that  the  populace  was  hugely  pleased  at  what  was  said  in  re- 
gard to  Gaius,  out  of  reverence  for  the  memory  of  Germanicus  his 
father.  Sejanus  had  previously  thought  that  these  persons,  too,  were 
on  his  side,  and  now,  finding  them  enthusiastic  for  Gaius,  he  be- 
came dejected.    He  felt  sorry  that  he  had  not  shown  open  revolt 
during  his  consulship."] 

This  is  the  first  mention  of  any  actual  attempt  made  by  Sejanus  5 
it  is  characteristic  of  Jonson  that  even  in  such  a  trivial  point  he 
should  adhere  strictly  to  his  sources. 

143,  252.  PagonianilS.  De  Pagoniano.  -vid.  Tac.  Armal. 
lib.  6.  fag.  101.  alibi  Paconiano.  [3] 

J43>  258-  he  ha's  a  wife.  Tac.  cons.  Annul,  lib.  6.  pag. 
1x4.  [45.  Jonson  antedates  this  intrigue,  placed  by  Tacitus  about 
A.D.  37.] 

143,  261.  a  learned  nose.  Juv.  i,  57  : 

doctus  et  ad  calicem  vigilant!  stertere  naso. 

143,  262.  the  rising  sunne.   Dio,  58,  28  :  "The  latter 
[Macro],  as  Tiberius  was  already  seriously  ill,  was  paying  his  court 
to  the  young  man,  particularly  as  he  had  before  this  succeeded  in 
making  him  fall  in  love  with   his  own  wife,    Ennia    Thrasylla. 
Tiberius  suspecting  this  had  once  said :  '  You  understand  well  when 
to  abandon  the  setting,  and  hasten  to  the  rising  sun.'  " 

144,  I.   Swell,  swell,  my  joyes.  It  is  strictly  classical  to 
represent  Sejanus  as  animated  by  this  spirit  of  extravagant  pride  just 
before  his  fall.    Moreover,  what  Sejanus  says  is  not  quite  so  much 
in  "  Ercles  vein  "  as  we  are  at  first  inclined  to  suppose  (see  note  on 
63,   22).   When   Sejanus,   apparently  in   the  full  tide  of  success, 
thinks  himself  a  rival  of  Jupiter,  he  is  after  all  not  going  beyond 
Caligula,  who,  indignant  that  a  thunderstorm  troubled  a  theatrical 
representation  that  he  was  giving,  called  out  to  Jove  a  line  from 


268 

Homer  —  "Strike  me,  or  I  strike  you."   Indeed  Jonson  is  every- 
where trying  to  reproduce,  not  merely  the  external,  but  alto  the 
internal  life  of  Rome.   As  Dryden  saya  of  his  use  of  the  writings  of 
the  ancients,  "  you  may  track  him  in  their  snow." 
144,  3  fl\   I  did  not  live,  till  now.  Wilson,  Androu. 

Comnen.    iv,  iii : 

Now  I  can  say  I  live,  and  not  nil  now. 

I've  elbow-room  enough,  and  space  to  breathe. 

1  can  look  round  me,  too.   There's  not  a  tree 

That  stopt  my  prospect  but  I've  levelled  it. 
144,  5.   Great,  and  high.  Defaittt  Sejani.  leg.  Dion.  Hia. 
Rom.  lib.  jg.  fag.  7/5.  [5] 

144,  7.  My  roofe,  The  following  line*  contain  expressions 
from  Sen.,  Thytst.,  885  ff  : 

Aequalis  astris  gradior  et  cunctos  super 

ahum  superbo  vertice  attingens  polum. 

nunc  decora  regni  teneo,  nunc  solium  patrii. 

dimitto  superos:  sujnma  votorum  attigi. 

bene  est,  abunde  est,  iam  sat  est  etiam  mihi. 

sed  cur  satis  est  ?  ne  quid  obstaret  pudor, 

dies  recessit :   perge  dum  caelum  vacat. 

utinam  quidem  tenere  fugientes  decs 

possem  et  coactos  trahere,  ut  .   .   . 

144,  8.  my  'advanced  head.  Hor.  oJet,  i,  i,  35 : 

Quodsi  me  lyricis  vatibus  inseres, 

sublimi  feriam  sidera  vertice. 
144,  10.    All  my  desires.   Wilson,  Andron.  Comnen.  iv,  ii: 

And  what  before 

Was  even  beyond  her  [Ambition's]  wish,  being  once  in  power, 
Seems  low  and  cheap. 

Sen.  Dt  Benef.  n,  17  :  "  Aeque  ambitio  non  patitur  quemquam 
in  ea  mensura  honorum  conquiescerc,  quae  quondam  eius  fuit  inpu- 
dens  votum." 

144,  n-ia.  'Tis  place,  Not  bloud.  Et  Taeit.  Ann.  lib. 
4.  faff.  96.  [74.  In  this  we  are  told  how  haughtily  Sejanui  treated 
the  Roman  nobles.] 


269 

144,  1 6.  Would  thou  stood'st  Stiffe.  The  general  idea 
occurs  again  in  Catil. ,  in,  i,  when  Cethegus  says  : 
It  likes  me  better  that  you  are  not  consul. 
I  would  not  go  through  open  doors,  but  break  'em. 

144,  17  ff.  Windes  lose  their  strength.  Luc.,  Phan., 
in,  362  ff. : 

ventus  ut  amittit  vires,  nisi  robore  densae 
occurrant  silvae,  spado  diffusus  inani,  •     . 

utque  perit  magnus  nullis  obstantibus  ignis, 
sic  hostes  mihi  deesse  nocet :  damnumque  putamus 
armorum,  nisi  qui  vinci  potuere  rebellent. 

and  Tac. ,  Dialogue  de  Oratoribus,  36  :   "  magna  eloquentia,  stcut 
rlamma,  materia  alitur."  Cf.  Tasso,  Gcrusalcmme  Libcrata,  xx,  58  : 
Qual  vento,  a  cui  s'oppone  o  selva  o  colle, 
Doppia  nella  contesa  i  sofE  e  1'ira, 
Ma  con  fiato  piu  placido  e  piu  molle 
Perle  campagne  libere  poi  spira. 

145,  25-57.  Safety,  to  great  Sejanus.  This  passage  is 
imitated  in  Wilson,  ibid.,  v,  ii: 

Enter  Stephanas. 

Ste.  Safety  to  Caesar  ! 

The  omen  to  his  enemies ! 

And.  What  is't 

Can  need  that  preface  ?  Speak ! 

Ste.  A  fearful  comet 

Sweeps  the  air! 

And.  Heav'n  has  done  us  right  at  last, 

And  grac'd  our  triumphs  with  its  bonfires  too  ! 
If  otherwise,  and  there  be  danger  in  't, 
'T'as  told  its  errand,  and  betray' d  its  end! 
These  toys  astonish  more  than  signify. 

Ste.   Nor  is  this  all.    Men  talk  as  if  an  earthquake 
Had  overthrown  some  houses ! 

And.  'T'as  yet  left 

The  palace  standing!  Have  you  more? 

Ste.  The  statue 

Of  your  St.  Paul  drops  tears! 


2  70 

And.  Mere  change  of  weather! 

Unless,  perhaps,  the  general  acclamations 
May've  pierc'd  its  marble  with  a  feeling  sense 
Of  what  we  are.   Tears  arc  th'  effect  of  joy 
As  well  as  mourning  !    But  I  thought  my  Stephanos 
Had  had  more  wit  than  to  regard  these  fooleries; 
They're  natural,  and  ignorance  of  cause 
Must  make  them  miracles.    He  that  regards 
The  crowing  of  a  hen,  a  fox  with  young, 
Hare,  cat,  or  weasel  crossing  his  way,  a  snake 
Dropt  from  the  tile,  a  black  dog  at  his  door, 
A  left  hand  magpie,  or  a  right  hand  thunder, 
Must  never  sleep!  The  very  peasant,  now, 
Can  half  look  through  them !  —  and  shall  Empire  fear  them  ? 

145,  26.  Heares  not  my  lord  the  wonder.  Dryden,  in 
the  Eisay  of  Dramatic  Poesy,  says  that  the  prodigies  before  Sejanus* 
death  are  related  instead  of  being  brought  on  the  stage  in  order  to 
avoid  "the  introducing  of  things  impossible  to  be  believed."  He 
evidently  overlooked  v,  IT. 

145,  29.  your  Statue.  Dio.Hia.Rom.lib.j8.pag.  7/7.  [7] 

145,  35.  The  head.  Dio.  ibid. 

146,  52.  the  falling  of  our  bed.  Dio.  lib.  j8  p.  7/5. 
[5.  These  various  marvels  are  related.] 

146,  54.   expecting   clients.     Clients  assembled  early  in 
the  morning  at  the  house  of  their  patron,  who  regularly  held  literally 
a  levee.    "  Expecting  "  means  "  awaiting. " 

M7»  55-  running  of  the  cat.  Dio.  pag.  7/6.  [5.  Dio  says 
a  weasel.] 

147.  59-  The  fate  of  some  your  servants.  Dio.  ibid. 
147,  62.  your  last  augurie.   Dio.  ibid.     See  Selden's  note 

on  a  similar  enumeration  of  omens  in  Drayton's  Polyolb.,  it,  161: 
"  I  would  not  have  you  lay  to  the  Author's  charge  a  justification 
of  those  signs  at  those  times;  but  his  liberty  herein  it  is  not  hard  to 
justify, 

Obseditque  frequens  castrorum  limina  bubo  : 
and  such  like  hath  Silius  Italic  us  before  the  Roman  overthrow  at 
Canna;  and  Historians  commonly  affirm  the  like;  therefore  a  Poet 
may  well  guess  the  like. ' ' 


271 

147,  70  f.  Beleeves  Terentius.  See  Timl>.,  p.  9:  "Af- 
fliction teacheth  a  wicked  person  sometimes  to  pray;  prosperity 
never." 

147,  73  ff.  Or,  if  they  could,  they  would.  Cf.  Plu- 
tarch, Of  Superstition,  translation  of  Moralia,  edited  by  Goodwin, 
I,  p.  178  :  "  Mark  we  now  the  atheist's  behavior  here.  'Tis  true, 
he  laughs  at  all  that  is  done  with  a  frantic  and  sardonic  laughter, 
and  now  and  then  whispers  to  a  confident  of  his,  The  devil  is  in 
these  people  sure,  that  can  imagine  God  can  be  taken  with  these 
fooleries."  See  especially  p.  182  and  Pers.,  n,  29-30: 

aut  quidnam  est  qua  tu  mercede  deorum 
emeris  auriculas  ?  pulmone  et  lactibus  unctis  ? 
and  69  :  dicite,  pontifices,  in  sancto  quid  facit  aurum  ? 

147,  74-   beeves  :  a  rare  singular,  erroneously  formed  from  the 
plural  beeves  (Cent.  Die.   Apparently  not  noticed  in  N.  E.  D.). 

148,  83.    One  grane.    Grant  Turn  Plaut.  Paenu[lus]  Act  I, 
Seen.  i.   Et  Ovid.  lib.  4.  Fast.  [409-411] 

148,  85.  her  gratefull  image.  Dio.  Hist.  Rom.  lib.  58. 
fag.  717.  [7] 

148,  90.  honny,  milke,  and  poppy.  De  sacris  Fortunae, 
•vid.  Li/.  Gre.  Gyr.  Synt.  17.  Et  Stuch.  lib.  de  Sacrif.  Gent.  pag. 
48.  [Lilius  Gregorius  Giraldus,  De  Deis  Gentium  libri  si-ve  Syntag- 
mata x-vii,  Lugduni,  1565.  Johann  Wilhelm  Stuck,  Sacrorum  Sac- 
rificiorumque  Gen ti Hum  .  .  .  Descriptio  .  .  .  Tiguri,  1598.] 

148,  91.   masculine  odours.  Jonson  has  himself  explained 
the  term  in  the  notes  to  Part  of  King  James's  Entertainment  in 
Passing  to  his  Coronation ,  as  follows  :  "  Somewhat  a  strange  epithet 
in  our  tongue,  but  proper  to  the  thing:  for  they  were  only  mascu- 
line odours,  which  were  offered  to  the  altars,  Virg.  Eel.  8,  [65] 
Verbenasque  adole  pinguis,  et  mascula  thura.    And  Plin.  Nat.  Hist. 
lib.  12,  cap.  14,   speaking  of  these,    saith,    Quod   ex   rotunditate 
guttae  pependit,  masculum  vocamus,  cum  alias  non  fere  mas  voce- 
tur,  ubi  non  sit  foemina:  religioni  tributum  ne  sexus  alter  usurpare- 
tur.    Masculum  aliqui  putant  a  specie  testium  dictum.  See  him  also 
lib.  34,  cap.  ii.   And  Arnobfius],  lib.  7,  advers[us]  gent[es].  Non 
si  mille  tu  pondera  masculi  thuris  incendas,  &c." 

149,  4.  The  house  of  Regulus.  Dio,  Hist.  Rom.  lib.  38. 

pag.  718.  [9] 


272  p.otrs 

149,  2.  your  edict.  Edicto  ut  plurimum  Senatorti  in  cmrian 
i-ofatoi  c  on  a  at :  ex  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  I.  [7.  Sec  under  71,  190.] 
£?  Li-vi.  lib.  2.  [?]  F«<f_us]  fcr[peius  ?]  lib.  jj.  vid.  Bar.  Briu. 
de  /or»i[ulis]  /;/>.  /.  &  Ltf[s\i}  Safyn]  Alenip[pe*.  Somnium, 
luuti  in  nouri  aevi  critical.  Antwerpiae,  1581.] 

I49i  5-  proclaim'd.  The  senate  met  at  specified  time  and 
place  when  convoked  by  a  consul,  on  occasion  by  a  praetor,  or  a 
tribune;  ir.d  was  presided  over  by  whoever  called  it  together.  Under 
the  principate,  the  emperor  presided  when  present ;  if  not  present, 
he  acted  through  the  consul  or  praetor. 

149,  6.  the  place.  Dio.  ibid.  [58,  9! 

149,  7-8.  You  doe  forget.  Dio.  ibid. 

150,  14.  I  bring  you  letters.  Dio.  ibid.  [But  Dio  men- 
tions documents  sent  to  the  Praetorians  only;  he  does  not  mention 
any  sent  to  Laco  personally.] 

I5O,  28.  Seven  cohorts.  De  praefecto  vigilum  vid.  Rosfi- 
ni]  ytfnr[iquitates]  Rom.  lib.  7.  et  Dio.  Rom.  Hia.  lib.  jj.  [16] 

152,  47.  in  readinesse.  Die.  Hia.  Root.  lib.  j£.  pag. 
718.  [9] 

152,  54-  We  have  commission.  Vid.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  6. 
fag.  jo^.\i^]  et  Suet.  Tib.  cap.  63. 

153.  Tubicines.   Stage-direction.    Hi  omnibut  tacri/tciii  in- 
tereut  ultbant.   Roi.  Ant.   Rom.  lib.  J.    Stuct.  de  Sac.  pag.  <)2. 
Flamen :   Ex    Hi,    yui    Flaminet    Curia/ei    dicerenturt    vid.    Li/. 
Greg.  Gyr.  Synt.    77.   &  Onup  [Onofrio]  Panvin\\o\  Ac/{ublicae] 
Rom.  Comment  2.  [1558] 

It  is  not  necessary  to  go  into  a  discussion  of  the  antiquities  Jonson 
introduces  in  this  scene  ;  chapter  and  verse  for  the  details  of  the 
sacrifice  may  be  had  in  De-Marchi,  //  Culto  Private  di  Roma  An- 
tica,  especially  pp.  125-44.  Jonson  seems  not  to  be  reproducing 
any  particular  author,  but  constructing  what  he  appears  justified  in 
regarding  as  a  typical  act  or  scene  of  domestic  worship.  Perhaps  it 
should  be  said  that  besides  subscribing  to  the  religion  of  the  state, 
each  Roman  family  had  its  own  family  (or  ancestral)  divinities ;  in 
addition,  an  individual  might  cultivate  a  particular  deity,  just  as  a 
Roman  Catholic  may  cultivate  a  particular  saint.  Fortune  is  singled 
out  by  Sejanus  with  especial  point  because  at  Vulsinii,  his  birthplace, 
particular  honor  was  paid  to  Nortia,  the  Etruscan  fate-goddess,  the 
equivalent  of  Fortune.  See  FricdLiender's  note  on  Juv.,  x,  74. 


273 

A  sacellum,  properly  speaking,  was  a  part  of  the  domicile  with- 
out a  roof  and  consecrated  to  the  gods  (De-Marchi,  p.  86). 

Coleridge,  fForks,  ed.  Shedd,  iv,  190  :  "This  scene  is  unspeak- 
ably irrational.  To  believe,  and  yet  to  scoff  at,  a  present  miracle  is 
little  less  than  impossible.  Sejanus  should  have  been  made  to  suspect 
priestcraft  and  a  secret  conspiracy  against  him."  But  Sejanus  is  not 
so  much  scoffing  at  the  miracle  as  he  is  defying  the  goddess;  and  if 
it  is  possible  that  he  might  have  come  to  think  himself  equal  to 
divinity  (see  notes  on  63,  22,  and  144,  i ),  we  can  but  consider  his 
action  here  finely  consistent  with  his  megalomania.  We  need  not 
think  Sejanus  insane  in  order  to  realize  that  the  question  belongs  to 
the  field  of  abnormal  psychology.  For  other  considerations,  see 
Castelain,  p.  581  and  note. 

*53>  "•  Be  all  profane.  Moris  antiqui  erat,  praecones  praece- 
dere,  &  sacris  arc  ere  profanes,  cons.  Briss.  Ros.  Stuck.  Li/.  Gyr.  &c. 

*53»  3'  Tub[icines],  etc.  Obser-vatum  antiquis  tn-vcnimus, 
ut  qui  rent  di-vinam  facturus  esset,  lautus,  ac  mundus  accederet,  & 
ad  suas  le-vandas  culpas,  se  inprimis  reum  dicere  so/itum,  &  noxae 
penituisse.  Lil.  Gyr.  Synt.  if. 

153,  4.   pure  hands.    In  sacris  puras  manus,  puras  -vestes, 
pura  -vasa,  &c.  Antiqui  desidcrabant.   ut  ex   Virg.  Plaut.  Tibul. 
0<vi.  &c.  pluribus  locis  constat. 

IS4>  6-  your  garlands.  Aliut  ritus,  sertis  aras  eoronare,  & 
•verbenas  imponere. 

154,  7.  Favour  your  tongues.  Hujusmodi  -vodbus  siknt- 

ium  impcratum  fuisse  constat.  Vid.  Sen.  in  lib.  de  beata  vita.  [26] 
5«ri;[ium]  &  £)cfl[atum]  ad  eum  -versum.  lib.  5  Atncid.  [71]  Ore 
fa-vete  omnes,  &f  cingite  tempora  ramis. 

154,  8.  Great  mother  Fortune.  Hit  sokmnibus  praefa- 

tionibus  in  sacris  utebantur. 

154,9.  action.  According  to  Whalley,  Upton  wished  to  read 
absurdly  "  Rectress  of  Antium,"  in  allusion  to  Hor.,  Odes,  I,  35. 

154,  12.  Favour  it  with   your  tongues.  Quibus,  in 

c/ausu,  populus  "vel  coetus  apraeconibusfa-verejubebatur.  id  est  bona 
•verbafari.  Ta/is  enim  altera  hujus  formulae  interpretatio  apud  Briss. 
lib.  i.  extat.  0-vi.  lib.  i.  Fast.  [71]  Linguis  animisquc  favete.  et 
Metam.  lib.  15  [681-2] 

Piumque 
Aeneadae  praestant  &f  mente,  &  -voce  favorem. 


274 

154,  14.  Accept  our  Offring.  Solennii  formula,  in  donis 
cuivii  numini  offertndit. 

154,  14.   Flamen   takes  :  Stage-direction,    yocabatur  kic 
Ritui  Libatio.  lege.  Rosin.  Ant.  lib.  j.  Bar.  Britten,  tit  form.  lib. 
I.  Stuctiium.  dt  Sacrif.  ft  Lil.  Sytit.  77. 

The  milk  :  In  tacris  Fortunae  latte,  non  ttino  libabant.  Hide*  Ttt- 
<[ibus]  TaJia  Sacrificia  dotpa,  &  vi^xiAia  dicta.  Hoc  ett  lobria,  & 
•vino  carentia. 

They  put  :  Hoc  reddere  trot,  &  litart,  iJ  ett  frofitiart,  &  votum 
tmpttrarc  :  ucundum  Nonium  Marcel/urn.  Litare  triam  A£0r[robius] 
lib.  j.  cap.  5  explicat,  tacrificio  facto  placare  numen.  In  quo  tent. 
leg.  apud  Plaut  Suet.  Senec.  &c. 

155,  1  6.  averts  her  face.  Leg.  Dio.  Rom.  Hia.  lib.  38. 
fag.  7/7.  dt  aoc  lacrificio.  [7] 

155,  33.  titled  and  ador'd.   Tac.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pag.  96. 

[74] 

156,  34.  sacrific'd  unto.  Dio.  lib.  38.  fag.  7/6.  7/7. 
[4,  S,  6] 

156,  40.  MinutitlS.  Stage-direction.  Dt  Minutio.  vid.  Tat. 
Ann.  lib.  6.  [7] 

156,  47.   A  rope.   Dio.  Hia.  Rom.  lib.  38.  fag.  7/7.  [7] 

156,  48.    a    fierie    meteor.    Vid.    Sen.    Na^wMutn] 

Quaeil[ionum]  lib.  f.  cap.  7. 

157.  55    Send  for  the  Tribunes.  Dio.  fag.  77*.  [9.  Dio 
merely  states  that  Sejanus  usually  had  a  guard  of  Praetorians.] 

157,  65-6.  dangers  .  .  .  worthy   my  fates.    Luc., 

Ptar,.,  v,  653-4. 

credit  iam  digna  pericula  Caesar 
fiitii  eise  suis. 

157,  67.  And  things  uncertaine.  Ibid.,  «,  581-3  : 

sonilegis  egeant  dubii  sempcrquc  futuris 
casibus  ancipites:  me  non  oracula  eertum, 
•ed  mors  cetta  tacit. 

158,  71.  I,  that  did  helpe.  fid.  Tac.  Ann.  lib.  7.  fag. 


158,  72.    Cedar.  The  cedar,  a  lofty,  straight-growing  tree,  was 
constantly  associated  with  royalty  ;  compare  Marlowe's  Edward  //, 


275 

ii,  ii,  15  ff.,  Richard  III,  i,  iii,  264.  Gifford  and  Koeppel  com- 
pare Beaumont  and  Fletcher,  False  One,  iv,  iii : 

I  cut  the  cedar  Pompey,  and  I'll  fell 
This  huge  oak  Caesar  too. 
And  see  Wilson's  Andron.  Comnen.  in,  i : 

Then  'twill  be  time,  and  not  till  then,  to  hew 
Th'  imperial  cedar. 

158,  73-74.  at  one  stroke,  cut  downe  Drusus.  Ann. 

lib.  4.  pag.  74.  75.  [i,  2,  3,  8]  a  Dio.  lib.  57.  fag.  709.  [22] 

158,  75.    Silius  .  .  .  Sabinus.   Tac.  lib.  4.  pag.  79.  Et 

pag.  94.  [18-19,  68-70]  Dion.  Rom.  Hist.  lib.  38.  712.  [i] 

158,  77-78.  Cordus,  and  Sosia, . . .  Claudia  Pulchra, 

Furnius.  De  Cremutio  Cor.  vid.  Dio.  Rom.  Hist.  lib.  57.  pag. 
710.  [24]  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  4.  pa.  83.  [34-35]  De  Sosia.  Tac. 
Annal.  lib.  4.  pa.  94.  [a  misprint ;  Jonson  is  referring  to  ch.  20]  De 
Clau.  Sf  Furnio.  quaere  Tac.  lib.  4.  pa.  8().  [52] 

158,  78.  GalluS.  De  Gallo,  Tac.  lib.  4.  pag.  95.  [71]  & 
Dio.  lib.  58.  pag.  713.  [3] 

158,  80.  Agrippine.  DeAgr.  Ner.  &  Dm.  leg.  Suet.  Tib. 

'"?•  53-  54- 

158,  82.   Caius.    De  Caio.  Cons.  Dio.  lib.  58.  pag.  717.  [8] 

158,  85.  I  alreadie  have  done.  Luc.,  PAars.,  v,  659- 
60 : 

licet  ingentes  abruperit  actus 
festinata  dies  fatis,  sat  magna  peregi. 
158,  87  ff.  The  Senate  sate.  Ibid.,  m,  108  ff.: 

privatae  curia  vocis 

testis  adest.  sedere  Patres  censere  parati, 
si  regnum,  si  templa  sibi,  iugulumque  senatus 
exsiliumque  petat.   Melius  quod  plura  iubere 
erubuit  quam  Roma  pad. 

X58i  94-  Caesar,  but  my  second.  Ibid.,  v,  66z: 
vidit  Magnum  mihi  Roma  secundum. 

160,  16.  divide  my  selfe  :  compare  the  "  partitur  amicum" 
of  Juv.,  in,  121. 

1 60,  22.  Giving  order.  Vid.  Dio.  lib.  j5.  pag.  718.  [9.  Se- 
janus  "was  troubled  at  Tiberius'  having  sent  him  no  message."] 


276 

161,  30.  Mine  enemie  :  Die.  ibid. 

161,  33.   Macro  is  without.  Dio.  ibid.  ["Encountering 
Sejanus  .  .  .   [Macro]  encouraged  him,  telling  him  aside  and  in  con- 
fidence that  he  was  bringing  him  the  tribunician  authority.   Sejanui, 
overjoyed  at  this,  hastened  to  the  senate-chamber."] 

162,  56.   He,  that.  It  is  characteristic  of  Jonson  that  the 
speaker  of  this  line  is  himself  in  the  tame  position  with  regard  to 
Macro  and  Tiberius. 

162.  [Curtain  Drawn.]  Stage-direction.  GifTbrd  and  all 
later  editors  make  a  new  scene,  vi,  at  this  point,  and  still  another, 
vii,  at  1.  133,  thus  giving  in  all  ten  scenes  to  Act  v.  But  the  reader 
will  notice  that  such  a  division  is  hardly  consistent  with  the  words 
"To  the  rest"  in  stage-direction  at  133.  If  Laco,  Latiaris,  and 
others,  are  to  leave  the  stage  at  56,  then  they  must  return  at  133, 
and  hence  their  names  should  be  given  in  the  direction  ;  otherwise 
we  do  not  know  who  are  meant  by  ' '  rest. ' '  The  interview  between 
Sejanus  and  Macro  must  accordingly  take  place  either  on  the  inner 
stage  by  the  drawing  of  the  curtain,  or  perhaps  on  the  balcony,  and 
Laco,  etc.,  must  remain  on  the  outer  stage  during  its  progress.  This 
division  is  at  least  in  accordance  with  the  natural  interpretation  of  the 
directions,  as  Gilford's  is  not,  and  with  the  frequent  practice  of  the 
Elizabethan  stage. 

162,  57-  Macro  I  most  welcome.  Dio.  Hia.  Rom.  lib. 

38.  pag.  718.  [9] 

*63»  59-  the  noone  of  night.  Mtriditt  noctit.  Varr[on\i] 
Marcipor.  -vid.  Non[\um  Afdr[cellum]  cap.  6.  [ed.  Lindsay,  p. 
713],  "This  poetical  expression,  though  now  common  by  general 
use,  seems  to  have  been  first  introduced  into  our  language  by  Jon- 
ton."  (  Whalley.  )  "  It  was  speedily  adopted,  however,  by  Drayton, 
Crashaw,  and  Herrick.  Milton,  who  resorted  to  Jonson  for  poetical 
expressions  upon  all  occasions,  could  not  miss  this."  (Gilford.) 
Gilford  apparently  has  in  mind  Crashaw's  la  tkt  Holy  Nativity, 
Herrick's  Tkt  Suspicion,  and  //  Penuroto,  1.  68.  I  have  not  found 
it  in  Drayton,  but  the  reader  may  take,  to  make  up  the  number, 
Cowley,  Tkt  Plaguei  of  Egypt,  St.  14. 

163,  64.  That  still*  holds  out.  Dio.  ibid. 

163,  71.  amus'd.  "There  is  a  correction  of  the  last  word, 
in  the  margin  of  Mr.  Theobald's  copy,  but  it  seems  not  to  have 


277 

been  wrote    by  him  :    it  is   there  propoied    to    read  '  amazed '.  * ' 
Whalley. 

*&3,  75-  Charg'd  to  come  here  by  night.  Dio.  ibid. 

164,  88.  I  would  no  jealous  scruple.  Dio.  ibid. 

164,  97.  The  tribuniciall  dignitie.  Dio.  ibid,  nd.  Suet, 
de  oppressions]  Sejanfi]  Tib.  cap.  6jj.  Giving  Sejanus  the  tribu- 
nitial  power  was  equivalent  to  declaring  him  heir  to  the  throne,  as 
from  a  constitutional  point  of  view,  the  emperor's  authority  rested 
largely  upon  it ;  the  important  point  was  that  it  carried  with  it  the 
right  of  veto  and  of  interference  in  state  business,  and  made  the 
holder's  person  sacrosanct. 

166,  128.  henge.  This  strange  expression  is  of  course  an 
adaptation  from  the  Latin.  Cardo,  a  hinge,  was  a  technical  astro- 
nomical term  for  a  pole,  or  axis,  as  for  example  the  North  Pole.  Thus 
Statius,  Theb.,  i,  349,  "  venti  .  .  .  axemque  emoto  cardine 
vellunt,"  and  Luc.,  Phars.,  i,  552,  "cardine  tellui  subsedit." 
Evidently  some  such  passage  was  in  Jonson's  mind.  Cf.  Dekker's 
London's  Tempt, 

Iron,  that  main  hinge  on  which  the  world  doth  turn. 
Spenser,  Faerie  S^ueene,  i,  1 1,  21  : 

Then  gin  the  blustring  brethren  boldly  threat, 
To  move  the  world  from  off  his  stedfast  henge. 

166,  134.   Is  not  my  lord  here.  Dio.  ibid.  The  reference, 
however,  is  really  to  11.  137-8. 

167,  148.   Harpocrates  :  generally  thought  to  be  the  Greek 
name  of  the  Egyptian  god  of  silence,  but  sometimes  said  to  have  been 
a  Greek  philosopher. 

167,  154.  Haile,  the  most  honor'd.  Dio.  lib.  Hist.  Rom. 

38.  pag.  7/5.    [10] 

168,  162.  The  mood  is  chang'd.  Dio.  Hist.  Rom.  lib. 
5$'  PaS-  7J5-  [5-  Dio  describes  the  haughtiness  of  Sejanus.] 

1 68,  2.   All  Haile.   A-ve  matutina  -vox  salutanti  propria,  apud 
Romanos.    Vid.  Briss.  de  for.  lib.  8. 

169,  6.  Stamp't  i'  your  face.  Whalley  notes  that  "  much 
of  this  speech  is  copied  from  Juvenal;"  iv,  73  : 

Vocantur 

Ergo  in  concilium  proceres,  quos  oderat  ille, 
In  quorum  facie  miserae  magnaeque  sedebat 
Pallor  amicitiae. 


278 

169,  12.  more  steepe,  and  grievous.  Compare  Claud., 
In  Ruf.t  i,  22-3  : 

tolluntur  in  ahum, 
ut  lapsu  graviore  ruant. 

169,  24.  Sanquinius.  De  &»?ar««.  vid.  Tat.  Ann.  lib.  6. 
[4  or  T> 

169,  25.  his  slow  belly.  Juv.,  iv,  107: 

Montani  quoque  renter  adest  abdomine  tardus. 
169,  26.  another.  Et  dt  Haterio.  ibid. 

169,  28.  liburnian  porters.    Ex  Ubumia,  mognat,  & 

frocerae  naturae  mitrebantur  t  yui  trant  Rom.    Lecticarii.    Tea.  Ju- 
vtn.  Sat.  j.  vert.  240  — 

Turba  cedentt  vtketur 

Dtvet,  &  ingenti  curret  super  ora  Liburno  [Liburna]. 
The  Liburni  were  an  Illyrian  tribe. 

170,  34  ff.    It  is  a  note.  Die.  ibid.  [58,  5  :  ««  Any,  how- 
ever,  that  hold  an  artificial  rank  are  extremely  jealous  of  all  such 
attentions,  feeling  them  to  be  necessary  to  render  their  position  com- 
plete.  If  they  fail  to  obtain  them  then  they  are  as  irritated  at  if 
slander  were  being  pronounced  against  them  and  as  angry  as  if  they 
were  the  recipients  of  positive  insult.  Consequently  the  world  is  more 
scrupulous  in  the  case  of  such  persons  than  (one  might  almost  say) 
in  the  case  of  emperors  themselves.   To  the  latter  it  is  ascribed  as  a 
virtue  to  pardon  any  one  if  an  error  b  committed  ;  but  in  the  self- 
made  persons  that  course  appears  to  argue  an  inherent  weakness, 
whereas  to  attack  and  to  exact  vengeance  is  thought  to  furnish  proof 
of  great  power."]  And  see  De  Quincey,  in  the  Opium  Eattr : 
11  With  the  families  of  bishops  it  is  otherwise :  with  them  it  is  all 
uphill  work  to  make  known  their  pretensions :  for  the  proportion 
of  the  episcopal  bench  taken  from  noble  families  is  not  at  any  time 
very  large  ;  and  the  succession  to  these  dignities  is  so  rapid  that  the 
public  ear  seldom  has  time  to  become  familiar  with  them,  unless 
where  they  are  connected  with  tome  literary  reputation.    Hence  it 
is,  that  the  children  of  bishops  carry  about  with  them  an  austere  and 
repulsive  air,  indicative  of  claims  not  generally  acknowledged,  a  sort 
of  no/i  me  tangtre  manner,  nervously  apprehensive  of  too  familiar 
approach,  and  shrinking  with  the  sensitiveness  of  a  gouty  man,  from 
all  contact  with  the  oi  roXXot. ' ' 


279 

170,  39.  As  if  they  were  necessities.  Dio.  ibid. 

171,  i.  shut  the  temple  doores.  Dio.  pag.  718.  [9] 

171,  5.  a  noble,   bounteous  lord.   Vid.  acclamation. 

Scnat.  Dio.  pag.  719.   [loj 

See  Wilson,  Andron.  Comnen.,  n,  iv  : 
What  say  you,  gentlemen  ?  You  all  confess 
He  is  a  noble  person  ? 

Omnes.  As  ever  liv'd. 

1  Cit.   Wise! 

3  Cit.  Bounteous ! 

4  Cit.  Valiant ! 

2  Cit.  Everything 

172,  10.  the  rector  of  an  I'sle.    Dio.  Hist.  Rom.  lib. 

58.  713.   [5.    "...  to  make  a  long  matter  short,  he  seemed  to 
be  the  emperor  and  Tiberius  a  kind  of  island  potentate,  because  the 
latter  spent  all  his  days  in  the  island  called  Capreae."] 
172,  13.  We  be  not  slack.  Dio.  p.  7/9.  [10] 

172,  18.  and  get  more.  Dio.  ibid. 

J73>  28-31.  is  not  he  blest  .  .  .  subtle  elbow.  Cf. 
Ariosto,  Orl.  Fur.,  XLIV,  97: 

Uno  il  saluta,  un  altro  se  gl'inchina, 
Altri  la  mano,  altri  gli  bacia  il  piede  : 
Ognun,  quanto  piu  puo,  se  gli  awicina, 
E  beato  si  tien  chi  appresso  il  vede, 
E  piu  chi'l  tocca;  che  toccar  divina 
E  soprannatural  cosa  si  crede. 

173,  35-  Memmius  Regulus.  Vid.  Brissonium:  deformul. 
lib.  2.  et  Lipsium  Sat.  Menip.    For  details  regarding  the  manner 
of  holding  and  conducting  the  sessions  of  the  senate,  as  well  as 
formulae  employed,  etc.,  see  Willems,  Le  Senat  de  la  Republique 
Romaine,  n,  144  ff.  Jonson's  archeology  seems  to  be  substantially 
accurate,  though  his  desire  of  getting  everything  into  the  dramatic 
picture,  so  to  speak,  occasioned  at  least  one  apparent  error.   The 
proclamation  of  the  herald  should  have  been  made  outside  of  the 
senate-house,  for  the  purpose  of  summoning  the  senators,  not  inside, 
if  I  understand  Willems,  who  does  not  treat  the  point  explicitly. 
The  matter  is  of  no  great  interest  save  as  illustrating  Jonson's 
artistic  ideals. 


280 

*73»  37-    Palatine.   Palatinut,  a  monte  Palatine,  dictut. 

X73i  38-  registered  Fathers:  those  on  the  list  or  roll  of 
senators,  in  other  words,  "  patres  conscripti." 

174,  42.  his  fine.  It  is  evident  that  Shakerly  Marmion,  in 
his  Ltgend  of  Cupid  and  Piycke,  n,  Hi,  266-7,  had  this  phraseology 
in  mind.  His  lines  run : 

And  that  whoever  had  his  name  i'  tlf  book 
His  fine,  but  his  excuse  should  not  be  took, 

there  being  nothing  to  correspond  with  this  in  Apuleius,  Metamor- 
fAoseon,  vi,  23. 

174,45.  Fathers  Conscript.  Solennh  pratfatio  Contulum 
in  relationibut.  Dio.  fag.  718.  [9.  Regulus  is  mentioned  as  the  con- 
sul opposed  to  Sejanus.  For  the  formulae,  see  under  35  above.] 

174,  53.  The  tribuniciall  dignitie.    Yid.  Suet.   Tib. 

tap.  6j.   [Sec  under  164,  97.] 

Z74i  55-  What  pleaseth.  Alia  formula  wlemnis.  -vtd. 
Brits,  lib.  2. 

174,  56.  Reade.  Dio.  />.  7/9.  [10.  "  Meanwhile  the  letter 
was  read  It  was  a  long  one  and  contained  no  wholesale  denuncia- 
tions of  Sejanus,  but  first  some  indifferent  matters,  then  a  slight  cen- 
sure of  his  conduct,  then  something  else,  and  after  that  some  further 
objection  to  him.  At  the  close  it  said  that  two  senators  that  were 
Tery  intimate  with  him  must  be  punished  and  that  he  himself  must 
be  kept  guarded.  Tiberius  did  not  give  them  orders  outright  to  put 
him  to  death,  not  because  such  was  not  his  desire,  but  because  he 
feared  that  some  disturbance  might  be  the  result  of  it.  But  since, 
as  he  said,  he  could  not  take  the  journey  safely,  he  had  sent  for  one 
of  the  consuls. 

"  This  was  all  that  the  composition  disclosed.  During  the  reading 
many  diverse  utterances  and  expressions  of  countenance  were  ob- 
servable. First,  before  the  people  heard  the  letter,  they  were  engaged 
in  lauding  the  man,  whom  they  supposed  to  be  on  the  point  of  re- 
ceiving the  tribuniclan  authority.  They  shouted  their  approval, 
realizing  in  anticipation  all  their  hopes  and  making  a  demonstration 
to  show  that  they  would  concur  in  granting  him  honor.  When, 
however,  nothing  of  the  sort  was  discovered,  but  they  kept  hearing 
just  the  reverse  of  what  they  expected,  they  fell  into  confusion  and 
subsequently  into  deep  dejection.  Some  of  those  seated  near  him  even 


281 

withdrew.  They  now  no  longer  cared  to  share  the  same  seat  with 
the  man  whom  previously  they  were  anxious  to  claim  as  friend. 
Then  praetors  and  tribunes  began  to  surround  him  to  prevent  his 
causing  any  uproar  by  rushing  out,  —  which  he  certainly  would  have 
done,  if  he  had  been  startled  at  the  outset  by  any  general  tirade.  As 
it  was,  he  paid  no  great  heed  to  what  was  read  from  time  to  time, 
thinking  it  a  slight  matter,  a  single  charge,  and  hoping  that  nothing 
further,  or  at  any  rate  nothing  serious  in  regard  to  him  had  been 
made  a  matter  of  comment.  So  he  let  the  time  slip  by  and  remained 
where  he  was. 

"  Meantime  Regulus  called  him  forward,  but  he  paid  no  attention, 
not  out  of  contempt,  —  for  he  had  already  been  humbled,  —  but 
because  he  was  unaccustomed  to  hearing  any  command  given  him. 
But  when  the  consul  shouted  at  him  a  second  and  a  third  time,  at 
the  same  time  stretching  out  his  arm  and  saying:  "  Sejanus,  come 
here!  "  he  enquired  blankly  :  "  Are  you  calling  me  f  "  So  at  last 
he  stood  up,  and  Laco,  who  had  entered,  took  his  stand  beside  him. 
When  finally  the  reading  of  the  letter  was  finished,  all  with  one 
voice  both  denounced  him  and  uttered  threats,  some  because  they  had 
been  wronged,  others  through  fear,  some  to  disguise  their  friendship 
for  him  and  others  out  of  joy  at  his  downfall  ...  he  conducted 
the  former  favorite  out  of  the  senate-chamber,  and  in  company  with 
the  other  officials  and  with  Laco  led  him  down  to  the  prison."] 

175,  6i-a.  the  vertue    That    could     give    envie 

bounds.   Claud.,  De  Consul.  Stilich.,  ill,  39-40: 

Solus  hie  invidiae  fines  virtute  reliquit 
Humanumque  modum. 

J7S>  *>5.  If  you,  Conscript  Fathers.  Solenne  exordium 
Epistolar^  apud  Romanes,  cons.  Briss.  de  formal,  lib.  8. 

176,  83-6.  Nor  doe  we  desire.  See  under  103,  440. 
176,  84.  since  in  a  free  state.   Vid.  Sue.  Tib.  cap.  28. 

[Sed  et  adversus  convicia  malosque  rumores  et  famosa  de  se  ac  suis 
carmina  firmus  ac  patiens,  subinde  iactabat,  in  ci-vitate  libera  lin- 
guam  mentemque  liberas  esse  Jeberc.] 

176,  86.  lapwing.  A  bird  whose  popularity  among  Eliza- 
bethan poets  and  whose  chief  characteristic  are  explained  by  the  fol- 
lowing quotation  from  Middleton's  Old  Lavu,  iv,  ii  : 

Sim.  Has  the  lapwing's  cunning,  I'm  afraid,  my  lord, 
That  cries  most  when  she's  farthest  from  the  nest. 


282 

177,  108.  no  innocence.  Sen.,  De  CJem.,  i,  i:  "ex 
dementia  onuies  idem  sperant,  nee  cst  quisquam,  cui  tarn  valde  in- 
nocentia  sua  placeat,  ut  non  stare  in  conspectu  clementiam  paratam 
humanii  erroribui  gaudeat."  In  the  Timb.,  p.  39,  the  same  passage 
is  made  use  of. 

177,  ui-iz.  ourclemencie  . .  .  but  wearied  cruelty. 
Whalley  quotes  Sen.,  ibid.,  I,  1 1 :  "  Ego  vero  clementiam  non  voco 
lassam  crudelitatem. "  In  Timb.,  p.  39,  Jonton  notes  Machiavelli's 
use  of  a  somewhat  similar  thought :  "  He  that  b  cruel  to  halves 
(saith  the  said  Saint  Nicholas)  loseth  no  less  the  opportunity  of  his 
cruelty  than  of  his  benefits  :  for  then  to  use  his  cruelty  is  too  bte  ; 
and  to  use  his  favors  will  be  interpreted  fear  and  necessity,  and  so  he 
loseth  the  thanks." 

177,  114.  that  would  interpret,  etc.  Dekacepist.vid. 

Die.  Hist.  Rom.  lib.  jS.  fag.  7/9.  [see  under  56  above]  et  Ju- 
nta. Satyr,  fo.  [?!-*  :  verbosa  et  grandis  epistula  venit  a  Capreis.] 

178,  133.   What  wee  Should  say.    Ward,  History  of  Eng- 
lish Dramatic  Literature,  II,  338,  note  I,  says:  "Objection  has, 
however,  been  taken,  and  I  think  justly,  to  the  perverted  applica- 
tion  in  this   letter  ...  of  the  famous  exordium  of  the  Tacitean 
original  (Annal.  vi.  6.)  Justly,   not  because  Jonson  was  debarred 
from  making  any  use  he  chose  to  make  of  it ;  but  because  the  bit- 
ter force  of  the  real  meaning  of  the  words  is  weakened  by  the  more 
commonplace  use  here  made  of  them  ;  the  saying  was  too  famous 
and  too  characteristic  to  be  introduced  in  any  but  its  real  sense." 
Ward's  language  allows  it  to  be  inferred  that  these  words  stood  at 
the  beginning  of  the  letter  concerning  Sejanus.   In  reality,  they  did 
not  do  so,  but  formed  the  exordium  of  a  much  later  letter  concern- 
ing Cotta  Messalinus,  according  to  Tacitus,  and  simply  of  a  letter, 
according  to  Suetonius.    Both  writers  practically  agree  in  giving  the 
words  as  :  "  Quid  scribam  vobis,  patres  conscript!,  aut  quo  modo 
scribam,  aut  quid  omnino  non  scribam  hoc  tempore,  dii  me  deaeque 
peius  perdant,  quam  perire  me  cotidie  sentio,  si  scio."   What  their 
real  sense  is,  may  be  a  question,  since  Whalley,  in  objecting  to  Jon- 
son's  use  of  them,  takes  them  as  "  evidence  of  uneasiness  and  per- 
turbation of  spirit  in  the  emperor,  arising  from  the  consciousness  of 
guilt,"  whereas  Allen  says  that  they  "are  certainly  no  confession 
of  guilt,  but  may  express  the  weariness  of  an  old  man  to  whom  life 


283 

was  no  longer  anything  but  a  burden  and  a  disappointment. ' '  Gif- 
ford,  again,  agrees  with  Whalley's  interpretation  of  the  Latin,  but 
thinks  that  "  the  words  which  he  Qonson]  has  adopted  are  ex- 
tremely proper  for  the  occasion.  .  .  .  How  could  it  escape  the 
critic,  that  the  only  passage  which  gave  peculiarity  to  the  quotation 
from  the  historian  (for  the  rest  is  common  enough)  is,  Dii  me  de- 
aeque  pejus  perdant  quam  perire  quotidie  sentio,  which  strongly  marks 
the  intolerable  anguish  of  a  guilty  mind,  and  which  Jonson  has 
wholly  omitted.  In  a  word,  he  has  shewn  uncommon  skill  in  the 
composition  of  this  letter,  and  entered  with  matchless  dexterity  into 
the  cloudy  and  sanguinary  character  of  Tiberius."  Montaigne  re- 
marks, in,  8,  that  he  does  not  see  why  Tacitus  applies  these  words 
"si  certainement  a  un  poignant  remors  qui  tormente  la  conscience  de 
Tibere  ;  au  moins  lorsque  j'estois  a  mesme,  je  ne  le  veis  point." 

179,  154.  Your  dancing  shewes  a  tempest.  Dio.  Hist, 

Rom.  lib.  58.  pog.  7/9.    [See  under  56  above.] 
179,  1 68.  We  would  willingly.  Dio.  ibid. 
181,  192.  Haile.  Dio.  ibid. 

181,  207.   Typhoeus:  one  of  the  Giants  that  sought  to  de- 
throne Zeus.   He  lies  now  under  Mt.  Aetna  5  see  note  under  131, 
12. 

182,  219.   P'hlegra  :  in  Macedonia,  where  the  struggle  of  the 
gods  and  giants  was  thought  to  have  taken  place. 

182,  224.   -with   bayes.   Leaves  and  garlands  of  the   bay, 
or  laurel,  sacred  to  Apollo,  were  used  on  occasions  of  festivity  and 
rejoicing.   The  horns  of  a  victim  were  frequently  gilded,  whereby 
the  victim  was  marked  off  from  the  common  herd.   Leg.  Juiien. 
Satyr.  10.  [58-66. 

descendunt  statuae  restemque  sequuntur, 
ipsas  deinde  rotas  bigarum  impacta  securis 
caedit  et  inmeritis  franguntur  crura  caballis, 
iam  strident  ignes,  iam  follibus  atque  caminis 
ardet  adoratum  populo  caput  et  crepat  ingens 
Seianus,  deinde  ex  facie  toto  orbe  secunda 
fiunt  urceoli  pelves  sartago  matellae. 
pone  domi  laurus,  due  in  Capitolia  magnum 
cretatumque  bovem.] 

183,  241.    If  all  the  gods.   Dio,  58,  6:   "For,  in  view  of 
the  way  things  stood,  not  even  if  some  god  had  plainly  foretold  that 


284 

so  great  a  change  would  take  place  in  a  short  time,  would  any  one 
have  believed  it. "  And  for  the  following  lines,  see  ch.  1 1  :  "  Then 
might  one  have  obtained  a  clear  and  searching  insight  into  the  weak- 
ness of  man,  so  that  self-conceit  would  have  been  never  again,  un- 
der any  conditions,  possible.  Him  whom  at  dawn  they  had  escorted 
to  the  senate-halls  as  one  superior  to  themselves  they  were  now 
dragging  to  a  cell  as  if  no  better  than  the  worst.  On  him  whom 
they  once  deemed  worthy  of  crowns  they  now  heaped  bonds.  Him 
whom  they  were  wont  to  protect  as  a  master  they  now  guarded  like 
a  runaway  slave,  and  uncovered  while  he  wore  a  headdress.  Him 
whom  they  had  adorned  with  the  purple-bordered  toga  they  struck 
in  the  face.  Whom  they  were  wont  to  adore  and  sacrifice  to  as  to  a 
god  they  were  now  leading  to  execution." 

184,  246.  superstitious  Moores.  Herodotus,  iv,  188 
(Grant's  translation):  The  wandering  Libyans  "  sacrifice  to  the  sun 
and  moon,  but  not  to  any  other  god.  This  worship  is  common  to 
all  the  Libyans."  See  also,  iv,  184,  as  well  as  Strabo,  xvu,  ch. 
n,  3,  and  Pomponius  Mela,  i,  8;  Jonson  might  have  had  any  one 
of  these  passages  vaguely  in  mind. 

184,  251.  And  this   man  fall.  Dio.  lib.  38.  fag.  7/9. 
f2O.  we.  [n,  iz.  See  under  241  above.] 

185,  267.  Fortune,  thou  hadst  no  deitie.  JUT.,  x, 
365-6: 

nullum  numen  habes  si  sit  prudentia,  nos  te, 
nos  facimus,  Fortuna,  deam  caeloque  locamus. 
The  same  thought  occurs  in  practically  the  same  language  in  Sat. 
xiv,  315. 

185,  272.  And  sought  to  bring,  fid.  Dion.  Hia.  Rom. 
lib.  38.  fag.  f2O.  721.  722.  723.  [12  ff.  I  do  not  quite  seethe 
point  of  this  reference ;  these  pages  describe  the  proceedings  after 
the  death  of  Sejanus.  Perhaps  it  is  merely  the  exulting  tone  of 
Macro's  speech  that  Jonson  is  thinking  of.] 

185,  273-   Caesars  tutor.  See  note  on  137,  145. 

185,283.  that  hath  saved  Rome.  Gifford  says :" Here, 
perhaps,  this  tragedy  originally  ended  ;  and  here,  indeed,  is  its  proper 
close.  What  follows  is  merely  tedious,  and  has  more  the  appear- 
ance of  a  closet  exercise,  than  a  dramatic  exhibition.  All  that  has 
passed  since  the  exit  of  Sejanus,  is  of  uncommon  spirit  and  beauty." 


285 

185,  184.    I  prophesie.   Dio,  58,  iz:  ".   .   .   they  began 
shortly  after  to  fawn  upon  Macro  and  Laco.   They  gave  them  great 
sums  of  money  and  to  Laco  the  honors  of  ex-quaestors,  while  to 
Macro  they  extended  the  honors  of  ex-praetors.   Similarly  they  al- 
lowed them  also  to  view  spectacles  in  their  company  and  to  wear 
the  toga  praetextata  at  the  ludi  votivi.   The  men  did  not  accept 
these  privileges,  however,  for  the  recent  example  served  as  a  de- 
terrent '  * 

186,  288.   forc'd   all  mankind.  The  phrase  suggests  the 
"ex  animo  exstirpatam  humanitatem  "  of  Cicero,  De  Amkitia, 
xiii. 

186,  293  ff.  The  eager  multitude.  Cf.  Wilson,  ibid.,  v, 
yiii : 

The  people, 

Having  by  this  time  utterly  defac'd 

Whatever  bore  his  name  or  memory, 

Fell  foul  of  him,  or  rather  he  of  them  ! 

Had  you  but  seen  the  hubbub  !  —  One  twicks  his  beard, 

Another  beats  out  an  eye,  a  third  a  tooth, 

A  fourth  cuts  off  a  hand  !   No  cruelty 

He  e'er  commanded  but  was  there  again 

Epitomiz'd  on  himself;  and  when  at  last 

Their  tired  invention  could  inflict  no  longer, 

Laden  with  dirt  and  obloquies,  and  crown' d 

With  garlic,  they  set  him  on  a  scabbed  camel, 

And  in  that  odd  procession  led  him  to 

The  common  gallows,  where  they  hung  up  that  little 

They'd  left  of  him  !   So  fell  Andronicus  ! 

l86,  196.   murmure.  The  word  "murmur"  was  undoubt- 
edly suggested  by  the  "  secreta  murmura  vulgi "  of  Juv.,  x,  89. 

186,  298-99.  devoure  the  way  ...  a  new  theatre. 

Sen.,  Here.  Fur.,  838-9  : 

Quantus  incedit  populos  per  urbes 

ad  novi  ludos  avidus  theatri. 

See,  also,  Shakspere,  Henry  IV,  part  n,  i,  i  —  He  seemed  in 
running  to  devour  the  way  ;  and  the  French  expression  "  devorer 
1'espace"  (cited  by  Ellis,  after  Benoist),  which  perhaps  go  back 
to  Catullus,  35.  7 — "quare,  si  sapiet,  viam  vorabit." 


286 

186,  301.  Sensitive.  Cunningham,  in  the  ed.    of  1875: 
"  So  the  1640  folio,  and  in  spite  of  ray  theory  that  its  editors  had 
a  copy  of  Stjanut  corrected  by  Jonson,  I  prefer  the  1 6 1 6  reading : 
4  As  if  his  statues  now  were  tensive  grown.'  " 

But  none  of  the  three  copies  that  I  have  seen  of  the  1 6 1 6  folio  con- 
tains that  reading  ;  sec  note  on  the  Motto. 

1 86,  303.  they  teare  them  down.    Vid.  Ju-ven.  Sat. 

10.  [See  under  183,  x*4»  above.] 

1 86,  308.  The  fornace,  and  the  bellowes.  Cunning- 
ham in  edition  of  1875,  criticizing  Gifford's  text :  "  It  seems  to  me 
impossible  that,  at  such  a  point  of  his  drama,  Jonson  could  have  in- 
tended what  he  is  here  made  to  write,  viz.  that  the  furnace  shall  be 
lighted,  the  bellows  be  blown,  and  Sejanus  shall  crack  !   How  very 
different  is  the  reading  of  the  1 6 1 6  folio : 

'  The  furnace  and  the  bellows  too  shall  work 

The  great  Sejanus  crack,' 

where  '  crack  would  mean  utter  ruin,  like  the  crack  of  doom.'  " 
None  of  the  copies  of  F  that  I  hare  seen  agrees  with  Cunningham's 
reading  except  in  the  omission  of  the  comma  after  "  work."  The 
difficulty  Cunningham  raises  is  done  away  with  when  we  realize  that 
Jonson  is  here  translating  Juvenal's  "  crepat  ingens  Seianus  "  (see 
under  124  above). 

187,  311.  the  temple  of  Concord.  Dio.  Rom.  Hia.  lit. 
38.  f>.  720.  [u] 

187,  313.  tread  him  downe.  Juv.,  x,  85-88  : 

curramus  praecipites  et 
dum  iacet  in  ripa,  calcemus  Caesaris  hostem. 
sed  videant  servi,  ne  quis  neget  et  pavidum  in  iui 
cervice  obstricta  dominum  trahat. 

187,  310  ff.  with  confused  voyce.  Juv.,  x,  67  ff. : 

quae  labra,  quis  illi 

Tultus  erat  ?  numquam,  si  quid  mihi  credis,  amavi 
hunc  hominem.  sed  quo  cecidit  sub  crimine  ?  quisnam 
delator  quibus  indicibus,  quo  teste  probavit  ? ' 
nil  homm  ;  verbosa  et  grandis  epistula  venit 
a  Capreis.  *  bene  habet,  nil  plus  interrogo.  sed  quid 


287 

turba  Remi  ?  *  sequitur  fortunam  ut  semper  et  odit 
damnatos.  idem  populus,  si  Nortia  Tusco 
favisset,  si  oppressa  foret  secura  senectus 
principis,  hac  ipsa  Seianum  diceret  hora 
Augustum. 

1 88,  333.  They  follow  fortune.  Ju-ve.  Sat.  to.  [See 

under  320  above.] 

I88,  339.  Sentence,  by  the  Senate.  Dio.  ibid,  [n] 
1 88,  340  fF.  which  was  no  sooner  off.  Scnec.  lib.  de 
Tranq.  Anim.  cap.  1 1.  £%uo  die  ilium  Senatus  deduxcrat,  Populus  in 
frusta  di-visit,  &c,   [See  the  quotation  from   Wilson  under    1 86, 

293-] 

1 88,  348  ff.  Old  men  not  staid  with  age.  Claud.,  In 
Ruf.,  ii,  427  fF.  : 

Vacuo  plebs  obvia  muro 
lam  secura  fluit.  Senibus  non  obstitit  aetas 
Virginibusque  pudor  ;  viduae,  quibus  illc  maritos 
Abstulit,  orbataeque  ruunt  ad  gaudia  matres 
Insultantque  alacres.    Laceros  iuvat  ire  per  artus 
Pressaque  calcato  vestigia  sanguine  tingi. 

Another  parallel,  not  quite  so  close,  in  Sen. ,  Here.  Fur. ,  849  fF. 
J89,  355  ff  have  ravish 'd  thence  an  arme.  Claud., 
ibid.  410  ff.  : 

Hi  rabidos  vultus  et  adhuc  spirantia  vellunt 
Lumina  ;  truncates  alii  rapuere  lacertos. 
Amputat  ille  pedes,  umerum  quatit  ille  solatia 
Nexibus  ;  hie  fracti  reserat  curvamina  dorsi ; 
Hie  iecurj  hie  cordis  fibras,  hie  pandit  anhelas 
Pulmonis  latebras.   Spatium  non  invenit  ira, 
Nee  locus  est  odiis.   Consumpto  funere  vixdum 
Deseritur  sparsumque  peril  per  tela  cadaver. 

189,  362.  The  whole.  Claud.,  ibid.,  451  fF. : 

lacet  en,  qui  possidet  orbem, 
Exiguae  telluris  inops  et  pulvere  raro 
Per  partes  tegitur,  nusquam  totiensque  sepullus. 
Xpo,  3741  Of  whom.  Vid.  Senec.  lib.  de  Tranq.  Am.  cap.  xi. 


288 

[in  quern,  quicquid  congeri  potent,  di  hominesque  contulennt,  ex 
eo  nihil  superfuit,  quod  carnitcx  traheret.] 

190,  380.  The  girle  so  simple.  Toe.  Ann.  lib.  j.  pa.  99. 
[Thit  is  the  chapter  marked  v,  9,  in  book  vi.  "  Placitum  posthac, 
ut  in  reliquos  Seiani  liberos  adveneretur,  vanescente  quamquam  ple- 
bb  ira  ac  plerisque  per  priora  supplicia  lenitis.  igitur  portantur  in 
carcarem,  rilius  immincntium  intellegens,  puella  adeo  ncscia,  ut  cre- 
bro  interrogaret,  quod  ob  delictum  et  quo  traheretur  ;  neque  facturam 
ultra,  et  posse  se  puerili  verbere  moneri.  tradunt  temporis  eiut  auc- 
tores,  quia  triumvirali  supplicio  adfici  virginem  inauditum  habebatur, 
a  carnifke  laqueum  iuxta  conpressam  ;  exim  oblisis  fkucibus  id  aetatii 
corpora  in  Gemonias  abiecta."]  Et.  Dion.  lib.  jS.  fag.  720.  [ll] 

190,  384.    no  virgin  immature  to  die.  Lex  tnim  non 

lam  virginitati  ignotum  cautumqut  voluit  yuam  attati.  Com.  Lift. 
Comment.  Toe. 

I9Ii  393-  Apicata.  Dio.  ibid.  [11.  "  His  wife  Apicata  wai 
not  condemned,  to  be  sure,  but  on  learning  that  her  children  were 
dead  and  after  seeing  their  bodies  on  the  Stain  she  withdrew  and 
composed  a  statement  regarding  the  death  of  Drusus,  directed  against 
Li  villa,  the  latter 's  wife,  who  had  been  the  cause  of  a  quarrel  between 
herself  and  her  husband,  resulting  in  their  separation.  This  docu- 
ment she  forwarded  to  Tiberius  and  then  committed  suicide.  Thus 
the  statement  came  to  the  hands  of  Tiberius,  and  when  he  had  ob- 
tained proof  of  the  information  he  put  to  death  Livilla  and  all  others 
therein  mentioned.  I  have,  indeed,  heard  that  he  spared  her  out  of 
regard  for  her  mother  Antonia,  and  that  Antonia  herself  voluntarily 
destroyed  her  daughter  by  starving  her."] 

'91.  394-  1>«  spred  on  the  degrees.  Cunningham 
thinks  that  Massinger  must  have  had  this  passage  in  mind  in  Rom. 
Act.,  in,  i: 

'T would  relish  more  of  policy  to  have  them 

Made  away  in  private 

than  to  have  them  drawn 

To  the  degrees  in  public  ;  for  'tis  doubted 
That  the  sad  object  may  beget  compassion 
In  the  giddy  rout. 

Scalet  Gemoniae  in  quai  erant  frojtfta  damnator.  corpora. 


289 

190,  409.    Li  via.  Dio.   Hist.  Rom.  lib.  58.  fag.  720.    [See 
under  393  above.] 

192,  425  ff.    Do'st  thou  hope  fortune.  Claud., In  Ruf.t 
ii,  411 : 

Criminibusne  tuis  speras  Fortuna  mederi 
Et  male  donatum  certas  aequare  favorem 
Suppliciis  ! 

192,  427  ff.  Forbeare,  you  things.  Claud.,  ibid.,  440-1 : 
Desinat  elatis  quisquam  confidere  rebus 
Instabilesque  decs  et  lubrica  numina  discat. 
192,  419.   When  you  doe  fall.   Compare  Hor.,  Odes,  u 
10,  10  : 

celsae  graviore  casu 
decidunt  turres. 
Juv.,  x,  106  : 

excelsae  turris  tabula ta,  unde  altior  esset 
casus  et  impulsae  praeceps  inmane  ruinae. 
Sen.,  Here.  Fur.,  aoi: 

alte  virtus  animosa  cadit. 

Moreover,  see  further  parallels  cited  by  Cook  in  a  note  on  a  passage 
from  Wulfstan's  Homilies,  First  Book  in  Old  English^  p.  157. 

I93>435-  F°r  whom  the  morning  saw.  Sen.,  TAyeit., 
613: 

quem  dies  vidit  veniens  superbum, 
hunc  dies  vidit  fugiens  iacentem. 
and  Hercules  Oetacus,  641  : 

quos  felices  Cynthia  vidit, 
vidit  miseros  enata  dies. 


Un/tn  othtrviiit  stated,  tht  place  of  publication  it  London. 

I.  TEXTS 

1605.  SEJANUS  HIS  FALL,  WRITTEN  >Y  BEN  JONSON.  Printed 
by  G.  Elld,  for  Thomas  Thorpe. 

1616.  THE  WORKES  or  BENJAMIN  JONSON.  Imprinted.  .  .by 
Will  Stansby. 

1640.  THE  WORKES  or  BEN  JONSON.  Printed  by  Richard  Bishop. 
[Vol.  I  is  the  second  edition  of  1616.  See  Nicholson,  Not»t  and 
i$ueritt.  S.  IV,  v,  573,  and  Greg,  A  Lilt  of  Engliih  Playt  printtd 
btfort  1642.] 

1692.  THE  WORKES  or  BEN  JONSON. 

1716.  THE  WORKS  or  BEN  JONION,  in  Six  Volumes  [the  first 
octavo  edition]. 

1765.  THE  WORKS  or  BEN  JONSON.  Collated  with  all  the  former 
editions  and  corrected  with  notes  critical  and  explanatory,  by  P. 
Whalley.  7  volumes. 

l8ll.  THE  DRAMATIC  WORKS  or  BEN  JONSON  AND  BEAUMONT 
AND  FLETCHER.  The  first  printed  from  the  text,  and  with  the  notes 
of  Peter  Whalley,  etc. 

1816.  THE  WORKS  or  BEN  JONSON.  In  nine  volumes,  with 
notes  critical  and  explanatory,  and  a  biographical  memoir,  by  W. 
Gifford. 

1862.  BEN  JONION 's  SEJANUS.  Herausgegeben  und  erklart  von 
Dr.  Carl  Sachs.  Leipzig. 

1838.  THE  WORKS  or  BEN  JONSON.  By  B.  P.  Proctor  [Barry 
Cornwall]. 

1875.  THE  WOEKS  or  BEN  JONSON  ...  by  W.  Gifford,  with 
Introduction  and  Appendices  by  F.  Cunningham.  9  volumes. 

1890-94.  THE  BEST  PLAYS  or  BEN  JONSON  ...  by  B.  Nich- 
olson and  C.  H.  Herford.  Mermaid  Scries.  3  volumes. 


Bibliograpijv  291 

1905-.  THE  WORKES  or  BENJAMIN  JONSON.  A  reprint  of  folio 
of  1616,  ed.  by  W.  Bang,  Materialien  zur  kunde  det  alteren 
englhchen  dramas.  Lou  vain. 

II.  WORKS  BIOGRAPHICAL  AND  CRITICAL 

l668.   ESSAY  OF  DRAMATIC  POETRY.    John  Dryden. 
1842.     BEN  JONSON'S    CONVERSATIONS    WITH  DRUMMONO  OF 
HAWTHORNDEN,  ed.  Laing.  Old  Shakespeare  Society  Publications. 

1863.     HlSTOIRE    DE    LA    LlTTERATURE    ANGLAISE.      H.   TalHC. 

Paris. 

1879.  HISTORY  OF  ENGLISH  DRAMATIC  POETRY.  J.  P.  Collier. 
Zded. 

1880.  BEN  JONSON'S  ROEMER-DRAMEN.  H.  Saegelken.  Bremen. 
1884.  LECTURES  UPON  SHAKESPEARE  AND  SOME  OF  THE  OLD 

DRAMATISTS.    S.  T.  Coleridge.    Works,  ed.  Shedd.  N.  Y. 

1884.  METRISCHE  UNTERSUCHUNGEN  zu  BEN  JONSON.  W. 
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1888.  LIFE  OF  BEN  JONSON.    J.  A.  Symonds. 

1888.  ANWENDUNG    DER    RHYME-TEST,  UNO    DOUBLE-ENDING 
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1889.  BEN   JONSONS  SEJANUS  AM  HEIDELBERG ER  HOFE.    J. 
Bolte.     Shakespeare  yahrbucb,  xxiv. 

1889.  A  STUDY  OF  BEN  JONSON.   A.  C.  Swinburne.    (A  reprint 
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1890.  BIOGRAPHICAL  CHRONICLE  OF  THE  ENGLISH  DRAMA.   F. 
G.  Fleay. 

1891.  HISTORY  OF  THE  LONDON  STAGE.    F.  G.  Fleay. 

1892.  TIMBER,  OR  DISCOVERIES  IN  MEN  AND  MATTER,  ed. 
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1893.  THE    INFLUENCE    OF    SENECA    ON    THE    ELIZABETHAN 
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addition,  something  annexed 
to  a  man's  name,  to  show  his 
rank  ...  or  otherwise  to 
distinguish  him  (N.  £.  D.). 

admit,  permit. 

advance,  to  put  forward,  make 
prominent. 

affect  (Lat.  affcctare),  to  de- 
sire, love  ;  to  seek  to  attain. 

affect  (Lat.  afficere),  to  impress. 

affections,  passion ;  love. 

afflicting  (Lat.  affliciaref), 
tormenting,  vexing  (46,  155, 
stimulating  by  irritation  ?  not 
in  N.  E.  D.  in  this  sense  ;  see 
note  on  passage). 

against,  in  preparation  for. 

allbe,  albeit. 

allowance,  approval,  permis- 
sion. 

ammeld,  enameled. 

amuse,  puzzle. 

answer,  repay. 

apozem,  infusion. 

applied,  plied. 

argue,  accuse,  call  in  question. 

argument,  subject,  subject- 
matter. 

assurance,  certainty  of  fulfill- 
ment. 

assure,  give  assurance  of. 

at  once,  see  once. 


atomi,  pi.  of  Lat.   atomus,  an 

atom. 

attempt,  tempt,  incite, 
audience,  reception. 

author,  performer,  actor,  insti- 
gator. 
avoid,  remove. 

bands,  bonds. 

bate,  abate. 

benevolence,  good-will. 

bill,  petition. 

brave,  fine,  excellent. 

bravery,  fine  attire. 

bulks,  bodies. 

by  and  by,  immediately. 

can,  to  know,  to  have  know- 
ledge. 
Cause    (Lat.    causa,     lawsuit, 

hence  metaphorically)  conflict, 

war. 

censure,  judgment,  sentence. 
Censure,  to  judge,  criticize  ;  to 

sentence, 
century,  a  division  of  troops 

containing  a  hundred  men. 
centurion,  the  commander  of 

a  century. 
Ceruse,  a  face-wash,   cosmetic 

(see  note  on  58,  63),  formed 

from  white  lead. 


294 


choler,  bile  (see  note  on  62, 
»34)- 

circumstance,  the  adjuncts  of 
a  fact  which  make  it  more  or 
less  criminal;  or  make  an  ac- 
cusation more  or  lest  probable 
(N.  E.  D.). 

cirque,  circus. 

closeness,  reticence. 

Cohort,  a  division  of  troops  con- 
taining six  centuries  (q.  v.). 

colour,  pretext  (see  ground). 

communicate,  share. 

compass,  crafty  contrivance, 
stratagem. 

conceit,  fanciful  notion. 

conceited,  fanciful. 

Confer,  gather,  bring  together. 

conferred,  compared. 

confluence,  affluence  (?  not  in 
N.  E.  D.  in  this  sense;  see 
note  on  19,  4). 

correspondence,  intercourse. 

counter-point,  opposite,  an- 
tithesis. 

Course,  line  of  action. 

cozen,  to  cheat. 

cunning,  learned,  versed. 

Curious,  solicitous;  elaborate, 
finespun. 

decline,  depress,  degrade;  turn 

aside. 

definitions,  limitations. 
degenerous,  degenerate, 
degree,  *tep. 
delator,  spy. 
deliver,  declare,  relate. 


delude,  mock. 

deprave,  vilify,  calumniate. 

deserts,  good  deeds  (hence 
benefits  ?). 

design,  appoint. 

designment,  planning,  pur- 
pose. 

detract,  detract  from,  depre- 
ciate. 

dilate,  extended 

discern,  distinguish,  discrimi- 
nate. 

discovery,  disclosure. 

disprise,  prise  at  too  low  a 
rate. 

dissolved,  lax,  negligent  (Lat. 
Jiisoluius,  not  in  N.  E.  D. ; 
see  note  on  83,  37). 

doubtful,  suspicious. 

drifts,  purpose  ;  plot. 

during,  enduring. 

easy,  pliable. 

election,  choice,  selection. 

enforce,  to  force  out;  to  offer 
force  to. 

engine,  trickery  ;  plot ;  ma- 
chine. 

enginers,  plotters, 
entertainment,  maintenance, 

W- 

envy,  jealousy, 
equal,  just,  impartial, 
errant,  arrant, 
even,  exactly, 
event,  fate. 

exact  (Lat.  expert,  to  calcu- 
late precisely),  estimated, 


295 


weighed  (not  in  N.  E.  D.). 

exampless,without  example, 
example-less  (apparently 

unique). 

exampling,  serving  as  ex- 
ample. 

expect,  await. 

expectance,  expectation. 

expiscation,  investigation, 
searching  out. 

express,  represent. 

expulsed,  driven  out. 

fact,  deed  ;  evil  deed. 

fain,  necessitated  (originally 
glad). 

faint,  give  way,  flag. 

fairly,  fully. 

faith,  authority;  loyalty. 

fathers,  patricians. 

fautors,  favorers,  adherents. 

favor  your  tongues,  see  note 
on  154,  7. 

fear,  frighten. 

flamen,  priest. 

foil,  whatever  sets  off  (usually  by 
comparison  or  contrast). 

fond,  foolish. 

forth,  out  of. 

forward,  ready,  prompt. 

free,  innocent;  noble. 

frequent,  thronged.  But  sena- 
tus  frequens  (frequent  senate) 
seems  to  have  been  a  technical 
term  roughly  equivalent  to  our 
'  'quorum ' '  ( Willems,  Le  Senat 
de  la  Republiquc  Romainc, 
11,  165). 


frequently,     numerously,    in 

great  numbers. 
fruition,  enjoyment, 
fucus,  a  face-wash, 
funerals,  funeral  ceremonies. 

gat,  got. 

giglot,  a  wanton. 

gin,  begin. 

give,  report ;  import,  signify. 

grace,  graciousness. 

grandam,  grandmother. 

gratify,  to  oblige,  do  a  favor. 

grief,  disease,  ailment. 

ground,  in  painting  ...  a 
main  surface  or  first  coating  of 
colour,  serving  as  a  support  for 
other  colours  or  a  background 
for  design  (N.  E.  D.). 

happily,  haply,  perchance. 

head,  fountainhead,  spring. 

hecatomb,  a  sacrifice  of  a  hun- 
dred oxen;  a  great  sacrifice  of 
animals. 

impose,  to  place  upon. 

impotence,  ungovernable  pas- 
sion. 

improve  (Lat.  improbare,  to 
condemn,  improbus,  bad),  viti- 
ate (?  not  in  N.  E.  D. ;  see  1 1, 
127). 

informed,  made  known  to. 

ingine,  see  engine. 

inginers,  see  enginers. 

instructed,  furnished. 


296 


interdiction,        authoritative 

prohibition. 

interess'd,  interested, 
intergatory,  interrogatory. 

jealous,  suspicious. 
jealousy,  suspicion. 

kalends,  the  first  day  of  the 

month. 
kind,  nature. 

laid,  planned. 

let,  hindrance,  obstacle. 

lictors,  an  attendant  upon  a 
Roman  magistrate,  carrying 
the  fasces. 

lose,  waste. 

lust,  ungovernable  passion  (for 
calumniating;  opposed  to  li- 
cense; see  103,  443)- 

magistral,  having  sovereign 
remedial  qualities. 

make,  prepare  for  the  business 
(N.  E.  D.),  gain  over;  — 
a  leg,  to  bow;  —  up,  to  re- 
pair by  filling  up  gaps. 

mark,  character. 

mean,  a  middle  path,  modera- 
tion. 

modesty,  moderation. 

moile,  mule. 

ne,  nor. 

noise,  a  band  of  musicians. 
note,  a  mark,  stigma. 
numerous,    metrical,    rhyth- 
mical. 


objected,  brought  forward  as  a 
ground  or  reason. 

obsequies,  obedience. 

Observance,  observing,  no- 
ticing; respect. 

observe,  to  pay  court. 

observer,  one  who  pays  court. 

offence,  disfavor,  hatred. 

offer  (or  offer  at),  to  attempt, 

strive  after, 
office,  exercise,  discharge  (not 

in  N.  E.  D.;  see  48,  183); 

service,  duty. 
once,  once    for  all ;    at  once, 

together, 
open,  disclose. 
opprest,  suppressed,  crushed. 

parted,  distributed,  parted  out. 

particular,  special ;  private. 

pash,  to  dash  in  pieces. 

pathlC,  a  catamite. 

peculiar,  particular,  individual. 

perishing,  injurious,  destroy- 
ing. 

policy,  statesmanship. 

poll,  plunder. 

popular,  to  or  of  the  people  as 
distinct  from  the  nobility  or  pa- 
tricians. 

practice,  treachery;  plot. 

practise,  to  plot,  scheme. 

praetorian,  of  or  belonging  to 
the  imperial  bodyguard,  which 
served  also  as  a  garrison  for  the 
city. 

present,  instant,  immediate. 

presently,  immediately. 


297 


prevent,  anticipate. 

prime,  chief. 

private,    personal    interest   or 

business. 

produce,  draw  out,  prolong. 
profess,  state  openly. 
promptly,  frankly, 
proof,  test. 

proper,  peculiar  to,  one's  own. 
property,  function,  usej  any 

article  for  stage  use. 
prosperous,  of  good  omen. 
prove,  to  test. 
put  on,  incite. 

rector,  ruler. 

rectress,  female  ruler. 

recure,  recovery. 

reflect,  turn  back. 

religious,  having  formal  or 
official  connection  with  the 
worship  of  a  divinity;  scrupu- 
lous. 

renowm,  renown. 

resolve,  relax. 

respect,  to  have  respect  to. 

respect,  scruple,  consideration. 

satisfaction,  compensation. 

satisfy,  compensate,  make 
amends  for. 

Say,  assay. 

Scrupulous,  precise,  punctil- 
ious. 

Secure,  careless. 

security,  carelessness. 

sellary,  a  lewd  person. 

sensibly,  sensitively. 


Sestertia,  pi.  of  Lat.  sester- 
tium,  a  thousand  sestertii. 

Settle,  to  become  fixed  or  es- 
tablished. 

shittle,  shuttle. 

siege,  stool. 

silly,  innocent. 

Sincere,  pure,  genuine. 

slighten,  to  make  slight. 

slight,  craft. 

spintry,  a  male  prostitute. 

stain,  blot,  blemish. 

Stalled,  forestalled. 

State,  estate;  rank,  dignity; 
reasons  of  state. 

Still,  always,  constantly. 

Store,  a  plenty,  large  number 
(hence  rest  ?) 

Strook,  struck. 

Study,  zeal;  plan. 

Suffrage,  approval. 

suspected,  suspicious. 

take,  to  take  a  liking;  take 
effect;  take  to  be. 

temper,  moderation. 

then,  than. 

through,  thoroughly. 

tibicines,  pi.  of  Lat.  tibiccn,  a 
fluteplayer. 

toys,  trifle;   whim. 

tract,  course,  track. 

train,  stratagem. 

tribune,  one  of  the  six  serially 
commanding  officers  of  a  Ro- 
man legion. 

triumph,  a  triumphal  proces- 
sion through  the  Roman 


298 


streets,  accorded,  usually,  to 
a  commander  who  had  been 
conspicuously  successful  in  the 
field. 

tubicines,  pi.  of  Lat.  tubicen, 
a  trumpeter. 

tyranne,  tyrant  (the  regular 
form  throughout  the  play). 

uncouth,  unknown, 
unkind,  unnatural, 
unkindly,  unnaturally, 
untrain'd,  unaimed  (but  note 
the  pun;  see  train). 

vervin,    verbena,  a    plant  pos- 


sessed of  religious  associations 
among  the  Romans. 

vexation,  shaking. 

virtue,  capacity  (cf.  Ital.  virtu, 
that  quality  in  a  man  whereby 
he  succeeded  in  his  undertak- 
ings). 

voice,  word;  reputation. 

want,  lack. 

•wit,  knowledge,  intellect, 
without,  beyond, 
woodness,  madness, 
wreak,  vengeance. 

yet,  still 


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